- Hilary Becker –
mostly as a man of Etruscan origin who would come to be king of Rome. Exploring his
origin story allows us to understand early magisterial titles even further.
Etruscan legend (preserved by the Etruscophile emperor Claudius) presents Mastarna
as a local hero from Vulci, who was a condottierro-like fi gure who fought in league with
the Vibennae brothers. These exploits are depicted in the frescoes of the François Tomb
in Vulci, undoubtedly the best-extant refl ection of an Etruscan historical past. In these
scenes the trio fi ghts against a range of people from central Italic cities including a fi gure
labeled as a Gnaeus Tarquinius of Rome, who is otherwise unknown to us. A speech given
by Claudius relates that Mastarna immigrated to Rome with the remnants of a private
army (that of his comrade, Caelius Vibenna) and changed his name to Servius Tullius.^5
And while the Roman historical tradition preserves alternate origin stories for their
sixth king,^6 his value for an understanding of Etruscan magistracies is signifi cant. This
is because the name “Macstrna,” as he is labeled in the François tomb, also contributes
to the general understanding of Etruscan political nomenclature. Once the suffi x –na,
which is often used to denote Etruscan family names, is removed, the name is similar
to the Latin noun magister.^7 As Jacques Heurgon demonstrated, the Latin term magister
originally referred to magistrates such as the magister equitum and is the term from which
magistratus ultimately derives. There is also an Etruscan magistracy (of debated function)
known as macstrev (-c).^8 The Romans also had a word that they thought was the Etruscan
word for kings, lucumones,^9 which also was the fi rst name of their fi rst “Etruscan” king,
Tarquinius Priscus, who was born as Lucumo in Tarquinia.^10 This word was probably a
Latin translation of the popular Etruscan fi rst name Lauchume.
Two ancient sources may shed light on the social relationship that the king enjoyed
with the people of his city-state. The fi rst is a passage from Macrobius that relates a
tradition wherein the Etruscan people would pay their respects to the king (regem suum
salutabant) every ninth day, presumably at a gathering when the town and country
spheres would come together and the power of the supreme leader would be reinforced.^11
A second, very different picture reveals a fear of the monarchy but its date is problematic.
The Brontoscopic Calendar of Nigidius Figulus was a sixth century ce Greek translation
of a Latin version of Ciceronian date, which in turn was drawn from an Etruscan original
of a presumed eighth century to early seventh century bce date.^12 If it thunders, it could
portend danger to the king on one particular day, on another oppression by the king,
and on yet another the king might be overthrown, but even so, thunder on December
twenty-seventh could bring help from the king to many.^13 It is entirely possible that such
references to the king in the calendar refl ect a time of transition from the monarchy, as in
Rome, when people may have been wary of kings (see Veii below).
Transition to republican governmentThefarie Velianas, ruler of Caere (C[a]isra), dedicated the golden, inscribed Pyrgi plaques
around 500 bce (see Chapter 30).^14 Thefarie Velianas, like Arimnestos, was also active
in the international sphere, as he evidently worked with Phoenician/Punic persons and
received the help of their goddess, Astarte (equated with Uni in this Etruscan text), to
whom he dedicates a temple and a statue. In the Etruscan version of the inscription,
Thefarie Velianas is described as a zilath, and the translation of “king” seems appropriate
because the term used to describe his status in the Phoenician text is mlk, a Semitic term
indicating dynasty.^15 In spite of the Phoenician text, there is some debate as to what kind