- chapter 36: Etruscan town planning and related structures –
to autonomous directrices forming an auto-suffi cient system (tunnel – road – cisterns –
drains). This may also be in relation to the planimetric and altimetric confi guration of the
various areas of the plateau. The picture obtained is therefore compatible with the general
subdivision proposed by Davanzo, but this still needs to be submitted to verifi cation
concerning the presence of infrastructures, of systems whose function was connected with
the inhabited center. Since these infrastructures are underground, they have in part been
preserved.
From this perspective, the study of the man-made cavities in the cliff of Orvieto,
suggested by Perali^48 years ago, could be extremely useful in providing us with a picture
of what the Etruscan city that stood on this volcanic butte might have been like.
NOTES1 Bruno D’Agostino has warned about problems inherent in a generalized approach concerning
Etruscan town planning: “...how dangerous it is to draw up a “unifi ed” history of the city in
Etruria, overlooking the profound differences that characterize the different territorial areas”
(D’Agostino 1998, p. 125 ff).
2 Moccheggiani Carpano 1984 pp. 164–178.
3 Livy 1.38.6, Livy 1.56.2.
4 Hor. Carm. I.2.14; Lydia ripa, Stat. Silv. IV.4.4.
5 De la Blanchere 1882; Coarelli 1990, pp. 141–148; contra Quilici Gigli 1996, p. 196; here
she proposes a later chronology to the Republican period.
6 See the forthcoming 2011 Faina Foundation 19th meeting papers; the title was “Il Fanum
Voltumnae e i santuari comunitari dell’Italia Antica.”
7 For Tarquinia the words of Lawrence are always useful: “Therefore, if the ancient city of
Tarquinia lay on this hill, it can have occupied no more space, hardly, than the present little
town of a few thousand people. Which seems impossible. Far more probably, the city itself
lay on that opposite hill there, which lies splendid and unsullied, running parallel to us.”
(Lawrence 1932 p. 65).
8 Steingräber 2001. Available at: http://scholarworks.umass.edu/etruscan_studies/vol8/iss1/1
9 Festus, Ep. (p. 505 L. = p. 368 M.).
10 Morani 1981, p. 40.
11 Macrobius (Sat., II 3,2).
12 See the examples in Fugier 1963, p. 69 ff.
13 For the prophecy see Valvo 1988; for Vegoia see de Grummond 2006, p. 30; for boundaries
and boundary stones see Oniga, 1990 p. 102 ff and Edlund-Berry 2006, p. 116 ff.
14 Colonna 2005, 1871–1890; see Morandini 2011, p. 80.
15 Prosdocimi 1978, pp. 587–607; Prosdomici 1984; Ancillotti Cerri 1996.
16 REE 55.128; Wylin 2000; contra Morandi 1985, p. 16, where tuthina apana becomes “(as) a
fatherly gift,” in connection with the verb turuche. See also Bonfante 2002, p. 167.
17 TLE 570; Facchetti 2000, p. 9.
18 For Rome see Carandini 2000, p. 122.
19 Pliny, Nat. Hist. 28.11.
20 Festus, 146 (Lindsay).
21 Colonna 1974, n. 44; Sassatelli 2005, pp. 47–55; Staccioli 2005, p. 186; Govi 2007, p. 65.
22 Mansuelli-Brizzolara-de Maria-Sassatelli-Vitali 1982; Malnati 1987, pp. 125–137; Sassatelli
1992; Sassatelli 1994; Vitali-Brizzolara-Lippolis 2001.
23 Aristotle, Politics 2.5.1 (1267b); he says that Hippodamus from Miletus, son of Euripus, was
the one who invented the regular grid for urban plans; for the reference to motives of security
see 7,10,4 (1330b); see Humphrey, Oleson, Sherwood 1998, p. 435ff.