Regardless of its route, at lapis’ final point of consumption in the funerals of
Predynastic Egyptians, its actual source was probably not known to the mourners. It
would, however, have been recognised as non-Egyptian and exotic from its vibrant,
unusual appearance and for that very reason it was a substance of significance and,
potentially, a source of social power. As Helms ( 1988 ) has argued, long-distance
interests for ‘prestige goods’ are not merely trade pathways, as geographical distance is
a symbolic construction invested with power. Exotica, she contends, involve intangible
knowledge of distant landscapes regaled in shared oral narratives that are made
manifest by the materials from those places. Power may be acquired by access to
imported goods and those individuals or groups who obtain such items may lay claim
to the esoteric, specialist knowledge that such things imply. It is not merely the peculiar
nature of such knowledge that is significant, but also the politics that are involved in
accessing such information. In this manner, material from the Sumerian World could
serve as potent resources for those attempting to negotiate their own social
environments.
CYLINDER SEALS
One Predynastic Egyptian burial in which lapis beads were placed was T 29 at Naqada,
the site first excavated by Petrie in 1894. The burial is one of the more unusual
Predynastic tombs in that it appears to have been a large, communal interment, as were
many in Naqada Cemetery T. This necropolis was also separated spatially from the
main cemetery where single inhumations were the norm. What is particularly notable
about the burial assemblage is that it also contained a cylinder seal, a hallmark of
ancient Near Eastern cultures. The seal’s geometric design is made up of three ovals
enclosed in irregular borders, which can be compared with examples known from
Telloh and Susa. The co-occurrence of lapis and cylinder seal in this grave is perhaps
suggestive of a common transmission route. A second example was discovered in the
main cemetery, in grave 1863 , and is now in the Petrie Museum, London (UC 5374 ).
The piece, carved in brown limestone, is incised with curved lines including what may
be the representation of fish swimming in water, similar to designs from Ur, Tell Brak
and Tepe Gawra. These pieces are two of only approximately twenty known cylinder
seals in Egypt (Boehmer 1974 a; Podzorski 1988 ) although, unlike the Naqada examples,
some might be local imitations. Neither context at Naqada allows for a precise date as
diagnostic pottery is absent from both, but they can be placed broadly in mid to late
Naqada II. Notably, many of the earliest cylinder seals formed part of composite bead
sets and may thus have been valued in the context of personal display, in a similar way
to lapis, rather than indicative of administrative activities (Podzorksi 1988 ; Wengrow
2006 : 187 ).
In addition to cylinder seals, at least one if not two stamp seals are also known: one
from Naga-ed-Der from an otherwise unremarkable tomb (Podzorski 1988 ), the other
possibility being a red jasper example from Harageh (Engelbach and Gunn 1923 ). In
the context of transmission routes, it is perhaps significant that the latter is a site close
to Gerzeh in Lower Egypt and the seal is said to be Syrian in origin (Moorey 1990 : 63 ).
While stamp seals do not seem to have inspired the production of local imitations,
cylinder seals were quickly adopted. Moreover, recent discoveries in six Naqada IID
graves in Abydos Cemetery U demonstrate that the practice of sealing was known by–– Alice Stevenson ––