that followed Hammurabi’s experimental unification of North and South. Modern
perceptions of ancient Mesopotamian history have been strongly affected by the cus-
tomary periodization, and the recognition of a so-called ‘Dark Age’^2 after the reign
of Babylon’s last king, Samsuditana, has added weight to the opinion that the Fall
of Babylon in 1595 BCwas also the end of a distinct period in socio-economic history.
This chapter aims to show that the Old Babylonian period in the general sense of
the word was far from homogeneous but may be subdivided in proportion to different
developments that can be observed in this period of time. Since socio-economic
conditions did not change significantly over the Fall of Babylon, the early Kassite
kings should be seen as the heirs rather than the vanquishers of the First Babylonian
Dynasty: the documentary evidence for its final phase can thus shed some welcome
light on a problematical dark spot in Mesopotamian history.
GEOPOLITICS AND FOREIGN TRADEThe rise of Babylon roughly coincided with the arrival of Yamhad, the kingdom
with the city of Aleppo as its capital, as the foremost power in present-day Syria. In
the early centuries of the second millennium BC, the kingdom of Qatna, near the
modern town of Homs, had been dominant in that area and a long-time ally of the
Middle Euphrates kingdom of Mari. Together they monopolized all Mesopotamian–
Mediterranean traffic via the land route passing through the Palmyra oasis. Qatna’s
political influence, however, was waning when the Mari palace archive sets in, and
these sources illustrate how Samsi-Addu, who was then in control of all of Upper
Mesopotamia, shifted alliance towards Yamhad, the new rising power in Syria. The
disintegration of Samsi-Addu’s realm shortly afterwards allowed Yarim-Lim of Yamhad
to gain influence in Upper Mesopotamia and to secure the throne of Mari for his
follower Zimri-Lim.
Lower Mesopotamia, meanwhile, was the domain of three important states: Larsa,
encompassing the southern alluvial basin of ancient Sumer; Eshnunna, in control of
the Diyala region and the middle course of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers; and
Babylon; occupying the central alluvial zone. The first two were long-standing strategic
partners, with a vested interest in all traffic passing between Elam and the Persian
Gulf and the regions accessible from the upper courses of the Tigris and the Euphrates.
Eshnunna constituted a considerable military power and had been ally as well as
opponent of Samsi-Addu’s Upper Mesopotamian kingdom, but the once powerful
state of Larsa was now in economic decline. Larsa’s ruling house was of Elamite
descent, and it is likely that their realm came close to a protectorate of the omnipotent
king of Elam, the Iranian state which, at that time, had reached a high point of
influence throughout the southern Zagros Mountains and the Iranian highland.
Babylon’s connections with foreign markets were consequently fully determined
by the neighbouring states of Eshnunna and Larsa, and attempts to undo this by
occupying parts of the main watercourses had so far been unproductive. However,
this changed unexpectedly when Elam – for reasons still unknown – decided to
conquer Eshnunna. The subsequent manoeuvres of Babylon, who first headed the
anti-Elamite coalition, then conquered the now exposed kingdom of Larsa, and finally
consolidated its sway over the Sinjar region before turning against Mari itself
( 1765 – (^1761) BC), are well documented by the Mari palace archive. In order to secure
— Society and economy in the later Old Babylonian period —