- Burial and the Other World -
benefited from a wide-ranging review (Wacher 1987) and only a very brief summary
is needed here.
A consideration of Romano-Celtic burial traditions (and associated beliefs in an
Otherworld) must be predicated upon some knowledge of Romano-Celtic religion
(see for example Green 1976, 1984, 1986, 1989; Webster 1986; Piggott 1968; Vendryes
1948; Toynbee 1971; Sjoestedt-Jonual 1949; Ross 1967; Mac Cana 1970; Lambrechts
1942). One of the most important, but difficult aspects is the combination of beliefs
and practices that occurred between the two parent religions to produce a unique
hybrid. This blend was clearly not uniform across the Celtic world (e.g. Green 1986),
a reminder that the preceding Celtic beliefs must have differed as well. Through
this process of syncretism, formerly Celtic beliefs about the Otherworld would
have undergone some changes. These mayor may not be clearly reflected in burial
practices. Romano-Celtic burial practices have been reviewed by Jones (1987)
who was able to distinguish both a 'Roman' level of practice and more provincial
variations that are likely to reflect a 'Celtic' component of belief and practice.
The most obvious 'Roman' contributions include the nearly universal adoption
of cremation during the first centuries Be and AD. The anthropological literature
makes it clear that specific practices may change radically without any change in belief
or influence from another society: mortuary and burial practices may operate in the
realm of changing fashion. Similarly, the switch to extended inhumation with an
east-west orientation in the later third century was once confidently ascribed to the
conversion of the Romano-Celtic world to Christianity - an interpretation clearly
disproved. In spite of this caveat, Jones is probably correct to see the near-universal
adoption of cremation and later inhumation as a reflection of the pervasiveness
of Roman custom, if not an overlay of Roman belief (1987).
Some of the provincial practices that Jones recognized suggest that beliefs, at least
at the level of defining social classes, certainly differed from region to region. Jones
is clearly aware of this, as his work at Ampurias demonstrates Oones 1984, 1987,
forthcoming). Even without such basic information as age and sex for the Ampurias
burials, it is clear that the rules governing the use of amphorae, tile, and grave forms
are complex and idiosyncratic.
Another example of a regional practice is the occurrence of decapitated burials,
in otherwise normal late Roman inhumation cemeteries in Britain. The normal
cemetery contained inhumations placed in rows, generally aligned east-west.
Grave goods are uncommon, limited to personal jewellery, hobnailed boots, and the
provision of a coffin, providing limited scope for the interpretation of social status.
Four cemeteries in the Thames valley may be used to illustrate this custom,
including Stanton Harcourt, Bloxham, Curbridge and Radley Barrow Hills (all in
Oxfords hire) (Figure 26.9). There are 117 burials, of which there are approximately
equal numbers of men and women. Infants are very few, though the distribution of
ages at death is otherwise relatively normal. Most individuals were buried supine,
and most were oriented with head to the north (a local preference). There are burials
oriented east-west, and some burials are prone. Amongst the otherwise normal
burials is a series of individuals with their heads removed and placed either between
their knees or between their feet. Numerically, these represent about 8 per cent of
the total. They are all post-adolescent, but this may not be statistically different from