to the historical context. In the Middle Ages blood ties weren’t necessarily the strongest
bonds between people. Similarly the phrase ‘politics’ is in no way unproblematic, not to
mention the expression ‘sexual politics’. What does it mean? And by whom are sexual
politics practised? Before going any further a definition of the phrase is necessary. In
Viking Age society – as in later times – women were subordinated to men. This
obviously meant that they did not have the formal right to take action in politics; their
possibilities of attaining power were thus minimal, as were the opportunities for them
to independently control large economic properties. Together with social and personal
honour (Pitt Rivers 1966 ; Henderson Stewart 1994 ), property is seen as one of the more
significant bases for power in medieval society, social honour being the type of honour
women could hardly ever achieve (for discussion about wealth and honour as the basis
for power in Iceland, see Helgi Þorláksson 1982 and Jón Viðar Sigurðsson 1999 ; on
women, feud and honour, see Auður Magnúsdóttir 2007 ). It is thus clear that women
neither had the formal rights nor the social and economic position to take action in
the field of politics. Yet there were women who had influence, some through their
husbands, some after they had become widows; in medieval Europe we even have
examples of women rising from the status of concubines to queens, which in itself could
illustrate the essential meaning of ‘sexual politics’ (Stafford 1983 ). On the other hand
we have no proof that indicates that these women had intended their future position;
most of them came to power after the death of their companion, hence they did not
exercise sexual politics. In the following the phrase ‘sexual politics’ will refer to two
modes of influence: firstly it signifies the actions of men planning their own and their
children’s relationships – marriage or concubinage – and secondly it will be used as
referring to women’s possibilities of exercising influence, through sexuality. This leads
us to the two main questions of this chapter: what was the political and social signifi-
cance of marriage and other sexual relationships in the Viking Age? Secondly, given that
the prospects of unmarried women achieving power were minimal, the question of
women actually taking part in politics will focus on women having, or having had,
sexual relationships with men (similarly, unmarried men were unlikely to achieve
essential power).
WHEN DID IT HAPPEN?The myth of the ‘strong’ Viking woman, as she is illustrated in the Icelandic sagas, has
not been challenged with any intensity, in spite of the critical examination of the sagas
in general. The admiration for women like Guðrún Ósvífursdóttir in Laxdæla saga and
Auður Vésteinsdóttir in the saga of Gísli Súrsson is still visible in recent studies, but the
question of this ideal woman’s whereabouts in time, space or even as products of the
authors’ mere fantasy is not raised. However, the historian’s possibilities of giving a clear
picture of the Viking Age in general are limited, as are the chances of getting a plausible
picture of woman’s actual situation ( Jochens 1995 ; Jesch 1991 ). Hence, a study of
the political conduct of women during the Viking period is a challenge. The sagas are
inevitably at best the product of the thirteenth century, written by educated men of
high social standing, many of whom were directly or indirectly involved in the conflicts
and social changes that characterised the century. This undoubtedly had an effect on
their writing. Furthermore, the Icelandic sagas were composed in the same period as the
less known contemporary sagas, most likely by the same men. This in turn makes the
–– chapter 4 : Women and sexual politics––