168 FRANK UEKÖTTER
fi rst had to go through the laborious process of bringing themselves up to
speed on current debates. Diff erent intellectual horizons were very much
at play in these discussions: as one diagnosis from 1994 suggested, “The
search for future models of society beyond capitalism and socialism—
often referred to as a ‘third way’—is being replaced by the pragmatic
handling of specifi c problems as they arise.”^87 There was also a tension
between West German activism, where politicians were allowed to have
a private life, and the comprehensive commitment with body and soul
that dissident life in socialist authoritarian states brought with it.^88 At the
same time, East German activists had to adapt to a new institutional and
media context while overcoming their understandable exhaustion after
having gone through four election campaigns in 1990. All in all, the fu-
sion of East and West German Greens had an air of resigned commitment
to what was inevitable. The upcoming federal elections of 1994 and the
specter of the 5-percent hurdle were looming in the back of everyone’s
mind.^89
The East German activists were able to achieve a small symbolic vic-
tory, namely the inclusion of Bündnis 90 as the fi rst part of the offi cial
name of the party. The Bund für Vogelschutz was even willing to adopt
the name of its East German counterpart, so it is now known as Natur-
schutzbund Deutschland. It should be noted, though, that one reason
behind this move was that it also brought a convenient end to an internal
squabble over the name and focus of the organization that had been go-
ing on for decades within the West German bird protection association.^90
Ever since reunifi cation, the performance of the Greens in elections has
been much weaker in the former GDR than in the West. Especially in
state elections for about a decade, they often failed to achieve the nec-
essary 5 percent to attain seats in the state parliaments. Furthermore,
it needs to be borne in mind that the unifi cation of the environmental
movements in the East and West was never truly completed. A share of
GDR activists joined together in the Green League (Grüne Liga), which
was a loose network for decentralized grassroots activism. For all intents
and purposes, the Green League was an extension of the Arche concept
within a new political framework. As such, this organization has been the
antithesis of the more strongly centralized, media-savvy, and politically
well-connected environmental organizations characteristic of the West.^91
More research is needed on the shrinking signifi cance of the green
movements in postsocialist Eastern Europe, especially in light of the
energetic and rapid response of governments to these issues. The will-
ingness of political leaders to tackle environment problems showed in
investments in clean-up technology worth billions and the remediation
of contaminated sites, but this had signifi cant side eff ects in reducing