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the new Soviet leadership, making Huang the first Chinese ministerial-level
official to visit Moscow since Zhou Enlai’s1964 attendance at the anniver-
sary of the Bolshevik Revolution. Beijing’s move was carefully planned. It
began with a visit by vice chair of the NPC Standing Committee Ulanfu to
the Soviet embassy in Beijing to convey condolences for Brezhnev’s passing.
The Soviet embassy noted Ulanfu’s high rank and expressed gratitude. In
Moscow, Huang Hua’s delegation received red-carpet treatment. A motor-
cade escorted it from and back to the airport. The PRC delegation was given
first rank among all foreign delegations to the funeral. China’s wreath (appar-
ently provided by the Soviet side) was the largest and placed in the most con-
spicuous position. All five members of Huang’s delegation were allowed to
stand atop the memorial stage; with other delegations, only one member was
allowed this honor.^5
Beijing responded in kind. Moscow informed Huang Hua that delega-
tions from socialist countries would stand to the left of the Soviet delegation,
while representatives from nonsocialist countries would stand to the right.
On which side would the Chinese delegation like to stand, a Soviet diplomat
asked? China chose to stand on the left, the socialist side, and was greeted
there by leaders from other socialist countries. Huang Hua’s statement com-
memorating Brezhnev spoke respectfully about the former Soviet leader, only
generally alluding to the times of troubles in Sino-Soviet relations under him,
and expressing hope for improved Sino-Soviet relations. Huang Hua also had
a nearly two-hour meeting with Soviet foreign minister Andrei Gromyko.
Disagreement on Vietnam in Cambodia was the main content of the discus-
sion. But although the two sides differed, Huang found Gromyko very serious
and friendly. On taking leave, Gromyko escorted Huang to the elevator and
shook hands, unusual protocol for Gromyko. Huang and Gromyko agreed to
open political talks at the vice foreign ministerial level.
Those talks began in October 1982. Qian Qichen was China’s representa-
tive. Deng instructed Qian not to appear too enthusiastic or urgent about
China and the Soviet Union getting together. Qian should “uphold principle”
and insist that the Soviet Union “take a few actions,” especially regarding
stopping Moscow’s support for Vietnam’s occupation of Cambodia. Moscow
should encourage Vietnam to withdraw from Cambodia, Deng instructed
Qian. At the same time, however, Qian was to show friendship for the Soviet
people and keep channels of communication open. Following Deng’s instruc-
tions, Qian seized on the “three big obstacles” and “would not let go.”^6 These
talks would continue to February 1989, the very eve of the Gorbachev-Deng
summit. Throughout, China’s key demand, and the greatest difficulty that
had to be overcome, was a Soviet commitment to bring about Vietnamese
withdrawal from Cambodia. For several years, Moscow rejected Beijing’s de-
mand to discuss the Vietnam-Cambodia situation, saying that Beijing’s
“three obstacles” were preconditions which had no place in the talks. Beijing’s