China\'s Quest. The History of the Foreign Relations of the People\'s Republic of China - John Garver

(Steven Felgate) #1

Notes to pages 449–454 } 827


Company, 2007. While the contours of China’s nuclear and ballistic missile cooperation
with Pakistan and via Pakistan with Libya and Iran are clear, the logic underlying those
activities is not. It is possible that Beijing at this juncture still viewed nuclear proliferation
as constraining hegemonistic powers and moving the world toward multipolarity. But
purely commercial incentives probably played a role.



  1. See Garver, Protracted Contest, p. 101.

  2. Garver, Protracted Contest, p. 102.

  3. China’s foreign Relations, p. 268.

  4. John W.  Garver, “The Indian Factor in Recent Sino-Soviet Relations,” China
    Quarterly, no. 125 (Summer 1991), pp. 55–85, 80.

  5. Garver, Protracted Contest, p. 97.

  6. This, of course, is a surmise. I  develop this argument in John Garver, “The
    Unresolved Sino-Indian Border Dispute: An Interpretation,” China Report, vol. 47, no. 2
    (2011), pp. 99–113.

  7. Unless otherwise indicated, this account follows John Garver, China and
    Iran: Ancient Partners in a Post-Imperial World, Seattle: University of Washington Press,
    2007, pp. 63–93.

  8. The congruence between He Ying’s statement and Beijing’s distancing itself in
    late 1982 from close anti-Soviet triangular cooperation with the United States suggests
    that improving relations with Iran, as well as with India, with which Beijing had similar
    problems because of its close alignment with the United States, may have been factors
    motivating the 1982 adjustment in Beijing’s triangular alignment. Beijing’s 1982 trian-
    gular adjustment was largely in the realm of public, rhetorical diplomacy, while the sub-
    stance of Beijing’s anti-hegemony cooperation, in Cambodia and Afghanistan, continued
    unimpaired. I develop this argument in Garver, China and Iran, pp. 72–4.

  9. This discussion of IRI-PRC nuclear cooperation follows Garver, China and Iran,
    pp. 139–65.

  10. Garver, China and Iran, pp. 143–5.

  11. Garver, China and Iran, pp. 87–93.

  12. Mike M.  Mochizuki, “China-Japan Relations:  Downward Spiral or a New
    Equilibrium?” in Power Shift: China and Asia’s New Dynamics, edited by David Shambaugh,
    Berkeley: University of California Press, pp. 135–50. Chae-Jin Lee, China and Japan: New
    Economic Diplomacy, Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1984. Donald W. Klein, “Japan
    and Europe in Chinese Foreign Relations,” in China and the World:  Chinese Foreign
    Policy Faces the New Millennium, Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1998, pp. 133–50.

  13. Allen S. Whiting, China Eyes Japan, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989,
    pp. 46–51.

  14. Ibid.

  15. Tang Jiaxuan, Jin yu xu feng (Heavy storms and gentle breeze), Beijing: Shijie zhishi
    chubanshe, 2009, pp. 2–9. Tang was foreign minister from 1998 to 2003. His university
    major was Japanese, and most of his foreign ministry assignments dealt with Japanese
    affairs.

  16. Whiting, China Eyes Japan, pp. 59–60.

  17. Whiting, China Eyes Japan, pp. 54–55.

  18. Regarding the early modern period, see Marius B. Jansen, China in the Tokugawa
    Worl d, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992.

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