China\'s Quest. The History of the Foreign Relations of the People\'s Republic of China - John Garver

(Steven Felgate) #1

Notes to pages 707–720 } 849



  1. Ikira Ireye argued that a critical point in Japan’s path toward aggression in China
    came in 1922 when the Anglo-Japanese alliance was dissolved.

  2. Tang Jiaxuan, Jing yu xu feng (Stormy rain and warm breezes), Beijing: Shijie zhishi
    chubanshe, 2006, pp. 2–8.

  3. This section follows Gilbert Rozman, “China’s Changing Images of Japan,
    1989–2001: The Struggle to Balance Partnership and Rivalry,” International Relations of
    Asia-Pacific, vol. 2 (2002), pp. 95–129.

  4. Rozman, “China’s Changing Images,” p. 106.

  5. Wang Jingru, “Japan’s ODA to China: An Analysis of Chinese Attitudes towards
    Japan,” master’s thesis, National University of Singapore, 2004, p. 32, available at ht t p://
    scholarbank.nus.edu.sg/handle/10635/14543.

  6. Rozman, “China’s Changing Images,” p. 107.

  7. Rozman, “China’s Changing Images,” p. 110.

  8. Christopher Hughes, “Japan in the Politics of Chinese Leadership Legitimacy,”
    Japan Forum, vol. 26, no. 2 (2008), pp. 245–66.

  9. Rozman, “China’s Changing Images,” p. 111.

  10. Robert Lawrence Kuhn, Jiang Zemin:  The Man Who Changed China,
    New York: Crown, 2004, pp. 371–4. This account of Jiang’s 1978 visit follows Kuhn.

  11. Kuhn, Jiang Zemin, p. 374.

  12. For an exposition of Japan’s racialist self-conception of its role in that
    era, see John W.  Dower, War Without Mercy:  Race and Power in the Pacific War,
    New York: Pantheon, 1986.

  13. Rozman, “China’s Changing Images,” pp. 113–4.

  14. Rozman, “China’s Changing Images,” pp.  117–8. Peter H.  Gries tracks the same
    shifts in “China’s ‘New Thinking’ on Japan,” China Quarterly, no. 184 (2005), pp. 831–50.

  15. Japan’s imperialist ideology in the 1930s–1940s was that Japan was leading the
    struggle of the nonwhite peoples of Asia to liberate themselves from the oppression of
    the “White Powers” of both the Russian Soviet and Western capitalist stripe. The aim was
    peace, prosperity, and liberation from oppression by the White Powers for all the peo-
    ples of Asia—under Japanese leadership. This imperialist narrative (with less emphasis on
    the final factor) still underpins the museum display at the museum associated with the
    Yasukuni Shrine in Tokyo.

  16. See Gries, “China’s ‘New Thinking.’ ”

  17. Matt Pottinger, “Our Goal,” Far Eastern Economic Review, August 19, 2004, p. 24.

  18. Joseph Kahn, “Riot Police Called In to Calm Anti-Japan Protests in China,”
    New  York Times, April 10, 2005. Norimitsu Onishi, “Tokyo Protests Anti-Japan Rallies
    in China,” New York Times, April 11, 2005. Joseph Kahn, “If 22 Million Chinese Prevail at
    UN, Japan Won’t,” New York Times, April 1, 2005.

  19. Joseph Kahn, “China Urges Caution for New Round of Anti-Japan Protests,”
    New York Times, April 16, 2005.

  20. Raymond Bonner, “China and Japan Leaders Pledge to Improve Relations,”
    New York Times, September 24, 2005.

  21. Hughes, “Japan in the Politics of Chinese Leadership Legitimacy.”

  22. Gries, “China’s ‘New Thinking.’ ”

  23. Hughes, “Japan in the Politics of Chinese Leadership Legitimacy.”

  24. The Joint Communique of May 7, 2008, is available at http://news.xinhuanet.com/
    english/2008-05/08/content_8124331.htm.

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