China\'s Quest. The History of the Foreign Relations of the People\'s Republic of China - John Garver

(Steven Felgate) #1

854 { Notes to pages 759–770


Chapter 28. China’s Quest for Modernity and the Tides of World History


  1. The name “Wilhelmine” derives from the fact that two of the three emperors of
    that period were named Wilhelm. The third, Friedrich, ruled for less than a year.

  2. F. L. Carsten, The Origins of Prussia, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1954.

  3. Hendrick Spruyt, The Sovereign State and Its Competitors: An Analysis of Systems
    Change, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994.

  4. Richard J.  Evans, “Introduction:  Wilhelm II’s Germany and the Historians,” in
    Society and Politics in Wilhelmine Germany, New York: Barnes and Noble, 1978, pp. 11–23.

  5. See Gordon A. Craig, The Politics of the Prussian Army, 1640–1945, London: Oxford
    University Press, 1975.

  6. David Shambaugh, Modernizing China’s Military, Berkeley:  University of
    California Press, 2002.

  7. Modern History Sourcebook:  Tables Illustrating the Spread of Industrialization,
    Fordham University, available at http://legacy.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/indrevtabs1.asp
    . The American share in 1913 was 35.8 percent of world total manufacturing.

  8. For an overview of Bismarck’s diplomacy and its abandonment by Wilhelm II, see
    Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994, pp. 137–200.

  9. Imanuel Geiss, German Foreign Policy, 1871–1914, New York: Routledge and Kegan
    Paul, 1976, p. 78. See also, Eckart Kehr, Economic Interest, Militarism and Foreign Policy,
    Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977.

  10. Quoted in Geiss, German Foreign Policy. This interpretation of World War I as the
    result of a deliberate German decision to break out of encirclement and achieve domi-
    nation on the continent of Europe entailed rebuttal of an earlier thesis that saw the war
    as essentially an accident, resulting from mobilization schedules and alliances. See Fritz
    Fischer, Germany’s Aims in the First World War, New York: Norton, 1967. Fisher’s thesis
    has been challenged by much subsequent scholarship and is now often considered too
    simplistic. My own view is that while any phenomenon is more complex that any schol-
    arly framework can grasp, Fisher nonetheless identified an important process.

  11. Peter H. Gries, “Nationalism and Chinese Foreign Policy,” in China Rising, edited
    by Yong Deng and Fei-ling Wang, New York: Rowman and Littlefield, 2005, pp. 103–15.

  12. Christopher H.  Hughes, “Japan in the Politics of Chinese Leadership
    Legitimacy: Recent Developments in Historical Perspective,” Japan Forum, vol. 20, no. 2
    (2008), pp. 245–66.

  13. Susheng Zhao, “Chinese Intellectual’s Quest for National Greatness and National-
    istic Writing in the 1990s,” China Quarterly, no. 152 (December 1997), pp. 725–45.

  14. Kenneth Lieberthal and Wang Jisi, Addressing U.S.-China Strategic Distrust, John
    L.  Thornton China Center Monograph Series, Number 4, Washington, DC:  Brookings
    Institution, March 2002. This overview is drawn from Wang Jisi’s presentation on
    pages 7–19.

  15. Lieberthal and Wang, Addressing, p. 11.

  16. This section draws on Andrew J.  Nathan and Andrew Scobell, “How China Sees
    America; the Sum of Beijing’s Fears,” Foreign Affairs, vol. 91, no. 5 (September/October
    2012), pp. 32–47.

  17. Robert Zoellick, “Whither China: From Membership to Responsibility,” September
    21, 2005, available at http://www.2001-2009.state.gov/s/d/former/zoellick/rem/53682.htm.

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