88 PREUSSEN
state. Quite apart from official policy, therefore, many Poles in Prussia accepted
that modernization went hand in hand with Germanization. This tendency was
not offset until the very end of the century, when a new wave of unassimilated
Polish proletarians flooded into the towns of Silesia and Poznania, and when, in
the so-called Ostflucht or 'Flight from the East', a large number of Germans
began to leave for central and western provinces. In this Age of Science and
Industry, Prussia boasted one'of the most modern societies of Europe and its
Polish citizens were free to reap the benefits. Authoritarianism was bolstered by
creature comforts.
Rapid social and economic change was generally contained by the established
tradition of Reform. In the seminal work of Stein, Hardenberg, and Humboldt,
programmes were launched to be developed and expanded throughout the cen-
tury. In the decade, 1808—18, one can see the beginnings of social emancipation,
municipal reform, and administrative reorganization: of a modern army, and of
a modern education system with co-ordinated primary, secondary, and univer-
sity sectors. Constitutional reform was delayed till 1847. This one delay gave
rise in 1848-50 to the only serious crisis in modern Prussian history. In contrast
to the absolutist systems, which for want of timely reform habitually lurched
from one catastrophe to the next, the even tenor of Prussian government was
rarely ruffled. In this respect, Prussian conservatism closely resembled enlight-
ened British Toryism, which regularly defended the established order by steal-
ing the thunder of its radical opponents. With the single exception of 1848, there
was no general crisis in Prussia which might have been exploited by the Polish
national movement to press separatist demands. In this context, the scope for
active Polish politics was severely limited. It is not at all surprising that the
separate structure of Polish life within Prussia rapidly declined during the nine-
teenth century. The remarkable revival of Polish national consciousness at the
start of the twentieth century cannot be easily explained by reference to earlier
events.
The right of the Poles to autonomy within the kingdom of Prussia was
enshrined in the Treaty of Vienna. It was never applied to the Poles of
Pomerania, West Prussia, or Silesia, and in the Grand Duchy of Posen was
observed for barely thirty years. As constituted in 1815, the Grand Duchy had a
territory of some 29,000 km^2 and a population of 850,000. Eight out of ten
people spoke Polish as their native language. The oath of allegiance exacted
from the nobility referred to 'the King of that part of Poland under Prussian
rule'. The Viceroy, or Staatbalter, Prince Antoni Radziwill was a Pole, and
Polish was the official language, in schools, courts, and government. The local
Landrat or Diet was elected by the nobles, and had the right of petitioning the
King. After 1831, however, increasing restrictions were imposed. The
Viceroyalty was abandoned. A new Oberprasident, Edward Flotwell, pro-
ceeded with new rigorous policies. Noblemen who had assisted refugees and
insurrectionists from the November Rising in Russian Poland were declared
confiscate. The elective Diet was closed. German schools and societies were