God’s Playground. A History of Poland, Vol. 2. 1795 to the Present

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THE AUSTRIAN PARTITION 113

Count Agenor Golichowski Jnr. (1849-1921) as Minister of Foreign Affairs,
were but three names among many men whose careers followed the line from
Lemberg to Vienna. At the end of the century, the leadership of the conserva-
tives in Galicia fell to Wojciech Dzieduszycki (1848—1909), Professor of
Philosophy at Lemberg, and Minister of Galician Affairs in 1906—7. In a period
when democratic parties were making their appearance, he widened the scope
of the original 'Podolian' group, departing from its original exclusively aristo-
cratic social base in a conscious manoeuvre to defend the Polish establishment
from the rising tides of Ukrainian and Jewish nationalism. In this, his outlook
was very similar to that of Roman Dmowski in Russian Poland. It has been said
with some force that the 'neo-conservatives' in Galicia were pursuing a policy
which anticipated the programme of the National Democratic Movement in the
Polish lands as a whole. It was entirely natural in the era of universal suffrage,
in the last years before the World War, that the National Democrats should
have made great headway amongst the Polish electorate, thereby reaping what
the Podolians had sown.
Mass political parties were slow to develop, but when they did break surface,
they sprouted forth in considerable profusion. Their leaders participated both
in the Sejm Krajowy and in the imperial Reicbsrat. As a result of prevailing con-
ditions, almost all the new parties were anti-clerical and anti-aristocratic. Apart
from the National Democrats, the most important of them was the Polskie
Stronnictwo Ludowe (Polish People's Movement, PSL), founded in 1895. Its
influential journal, Przyjaciel Ludu (The People's Friend), exercised an impor-
tant influence of the peasantry and on' their awareness of political and national
issues. It cost its editor, Bolesiaw Wystouch (1855-1937), the founding father of
the movement, more than one spell behind bars.^5 In 1911, the party suffered a
three-way split. Leadership passed away from the radical wing, the PSL-Lewica
(Left) of Jan Stapilski (1867—1946), and into the hands of the more cautious PSL-
Piast faction under Wincenty Witos (1874-1945) and Jan Dabski (1880—1931).^6
In contrast to them, the Polska Partia Socjalno-Demokratyczna (Polish Social-
Democratic Party) addressed its socialist programme to a necessarily restricted
audience. Its leaders, Bolesiaw Drobner (1883-1968), Ignacy Daszynski
(1866-1936), and Jedrzej Moraczewski (1870-1944), like all socialists in Poland
at this time, could not agree as to whether social revolution or national inde-
pendence should command priority.^7 The impact of the new parties was con-
siderably weakened by conflict on the national issue, and by the growth of
parallel political parties formed by the German, Ukrainian, and Jewish com-
munities. In a world of fragmented politics, most of the Polish parties were con-
strained to moderate their theoretical programmes in the interests of mutual
assistance. In the Reicbsrat, they formed a common front in the all-party Polish
Circle of deputies. Nationalism and Populism were, in fact, the only two move-
ments at this time with any chance of success. Socialism was of necessity a
minority interest, as shown by the apochryphal story of the Polish socialist from
Warsaw who was apprehended by the police on the Galician frontier. When

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