122 FABRYKAWar. (See Map 5-)^4 But it does nothing to explain the artificial interruptions and
sudden reversals of fortune which have characterized Polish economic history
over long periods — in the Napoleonic Wars, in the mid-nineteenth century, and
again in the years 1915-45. One suspects that international politics had more
relevance than any purely domestic factors.
The fundamental objection to the suitability of all such theoretical models,
however, lies in the doubtful assumption that the Polish economy has had a con-
tinuous history and can be studied and analysed as a coherent subject. The fact
is, the Polish economy of today is not the end-product of a long process of
organic development. It operates on a new territorial base, on a new infrastruc-
ture, and with a new population; and its elements were thrown together by the
political engineering of the Great Powers at the end of the Second World War.
At earlier periods, its constituent parts were fully integrated into the economies
of Germany, Austria, or Russia, from which they were torn in 1915, in 1918-2.1,
or in 1945. To regard them as an economic entity at times when they were not
associated with each other is, to say the least, anachronistic. This problem,
which Polish scholars grace with the doubtful label of 'regionalization' cannot
be dispelled. For any number of subjective reasons, one may regret, for exam-
ple, that modern Poland's most important industrial region in Silesia was
founded, expanded, and brought to maturity by German initiative within the
framework of the Prussian economic system, and that its main connections
throughout its Industrial Revolution were with other parts of Germany and not
with the Polish lands. One may regret it; but one cannot deny it. The bulk of
Silesian industry did not form part of Polish Economic History until 1945. As a
result, the history of Polish industrialization, if such a subject exists at all can
only be treated on an empirical and piecemeal basis.
Of all Polish industries, mining possesses the most venerable pedigree. At
Rudy in the Holy Cross Mountains there are traces of a prehistoric mine, and of
an underground gallery, dating from the second century of our era. At Wieliczka
near Cracow, the salt mines have been worked for at least a thousand years, and
in the reign of Kazimierz III became the first of many royal monopolies. At
Olkusz, and at Stawkow, lead and silver mines figure in princely charters from
the thirteenth century. From 1500, Olkusz hosted the Royal Mint. In the early
centuries, mining was organized on the basis of the gwarectwo system (co-oper-
atives); the miners were freemen; finance was provided by the Cracovian bish-
ops and patricians, notably by lost Ludwig Dietz, alias Decius (1485-1545),
historian, author, diplomat, economist, Master of the Mint, and Zupnik
krakowski, 'Master of the Mines'; all the great magnates and courtiers of the
time were tempted to invest. It was a slow and dangerous business. At Olkusz,
the great Poni-kowska gallery, started in 1548 was excavated at the rate of one
yard every six weeks. At Wieliczka, fatal accidents eliminated up to 10 per cent
of the work-force annually. But the pay and the food were good. In 1561, the
Wieliczka canteen cooked 1,289 geese, 2,049 cocks, 1,969 hens, 498 capons,
9,453 carp, 380 pike, 43 deer, 53 hares, and 500 oxen: all for the nourishment of