REVOLUTION AND REACTION 277all spreading hatred of the Jews. It is perfectly understandable, of course, that they
should be furious at the part which the Jews are playing in all revolutionary movements.
But it is both naive and stupid of them to imagine that we also might share their hatred... Jewish blood, shed on the streets of Lodz, mingling in the gutters with the blood of
Poles and Germans, has formed a cement which binds the various elements of our prole-
tariat into one powerful whole ... In the ranks of our warriors, we recognize neither Jew
nor German nor Russian, but workers grappling with the Tsarist monstet for freedom
and human happiness.
Long live international workers' solidarity!
Shame on the dark forces of reaction!
By unity, we shall overcome Tsarism!
July 1905. Workers Committee in Lodz,
Polish Socialist Party (PPS)^5
The socialists had troubles enough of their own. The 'young men' of the PPS
leadership constantly pressed for intensified terrorism, defying the more cau-
tious counsels of the 'elders'. The Leftists clamoured for social revolution at the
expense of national independence. The 8th PPS Congress in Lemberg in 1906
patched up a compromise. But the 9th Congress in Vienna in November
revealed a permanent split. The PPS (Lewica) under Feliks Kon and Henryk
Walecki broke away on the first stage of its journey towards the SDKPiL and
eventual communism. The PPS (Rewolucja) under Pitsudski kept control of the
Battle Organization and set off in a direction where independence was more
clearly in view than socialism. Each of the factions was destined for still more
splitting. By 1908, Pitsudski had abandoned all intimate ties with the PPS, and
took his immediate followers into Galicia to prepare a regular military force. In
1911—14 the PPS (Rewolucja) spawned two sub-factions - the 'new PPS' and the
PPS (Opozycja) of Feliks Perl and Tomasz Arciszewski. In this state of advanced
fragmentation the PPS reflected the fratricidal condition of the Polish national
movement as a whole.^6
Events in Russian Poland inevitably influenced developments in the other par-
titions. The period of the Duma coincided with the introduction of universal
suffrage in Austria. In Galicia, as in Russia, nationalists of Dmowski's persua-
sion made rapid progress, attacking Ukrainians as well as Jews. Their crude
sneers against Governor Bobrzynski explain in ample measure why the latter
was willing to turn a blind eye to Pitsudski's paramilitary activities. In Prussia,
many Poles were attracted by Dmowski's denunciations of Germany. The
school strikes of 1906-7 were directly inspired by the precedent in Russia. In all
three Partitions, there was a distinct acceleration of the nation's pulse. It belied
a feverish condition attended by excessive internal stress which brought no
improvement to the nation's body politic as a whole.
The crisis of 1904-8 was the nearest that Polish society ever came to an
organic Revolution. Later, in 1917—18, the Polish lands were buffered from the
effects of the Revolution in Russia by German occupation. In the Second World
War, the revolutionary social changes were to be engineered by foreign enemies,