THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC 461President of the Council of Ministers led at first to the withdrawal of the
Cardinal-Primate's passport and then to the cancellation of the intended visit of
Pope Paul VI. It eventually led to the realization that confrontation benefited
nobody. In the prevailing circumstances, the political stance of the Church was
of necessity nicely ambivalent. On the one hand, the bishops had no wish to
encourage a direct conflict with the State. Knowing that the logical consequence
of any attempt to overthrow the communist regime would be the immediate
intervention of the Soviet Army, they recognised the dangers of popular support.
So long as their current privileges were not attacked, they would continue to
function in place of the People's Republic's only 'Loyal Opposition'. In moments
of crisis, the Church would be asked to exercise its restraining hand over politi-
cal discontent. On the other hand, the Hierarchy had learned that toughness does
pay dividends. The position of the Church owed much to Cardinal Wyszynski's
absolute refusal to compromise over fundamentals. Hard experience had shown
that the Party did not concede anything of substance voluntarily. Occasional ges-
tures such as the award in 1971 of the Church's legal titles to its property in the
Western Territories, received wide publicity in the state-controlled press, whilst
the permanent deadlock on issues of more importance was studiously avoided.
The Party's continuing patronage of the schismatic Polish National Catholic
Church, and of the PAX organization, stood as a permanent affront. Meanwhile,
Cardinal Wyszynski's fearless sermons, periodically relayed from every pulpit in
the country, acted as a powerful stimulant for all who longed for a non-official
view of their predicament. Pronouncements to the effect that 'Polish citizens
were slaves in their own country', that 'our country did not emerge victorious
from the mass murders of the Second World War', or that 'we shall continue to
bear witness to our presence as the Ante-murale of Christianity' were not
designed to appease the Party line. They occasionally worried the milder spirits
on the episcopal bench, and could sometimes disturb the Roman Curia as much
as the Central Committee. But they found their mark. They were the touchstone
of a powerful and respected voice in a political wilderness where toadyism to the
powers-that-be generally passed for good form.
The Roman Catholic Church in Poland had been blessed with leaders of out-
standing personality. Of the two Cardinals, Stefan Wyszynski (1901-81) was the
war-horse, the doughty champion of his cause, a man of simple patriotism, of
radiant piety, and of total integrity. Cardinal Karol Wojtyla (b. 192.0),
Metropolitan-Archbishop of Cracow since 1967, complemented the Primate's
virtues. Actor, poet, sportsman, philosopher, and university chaplain, he was a
figure of scintillating talents and of profound spirituality. For a time, he had
been courted by the Party as a more malleable candidate for succession to the
Primacy, but later gave proof of his mettle by protecting dissident intellectuals.
He played a prominent role in the work of the Second Vatican Council, and had
strong contacts abroad, not only in Rome but also in Germany and in the USA.
At the time of the Polish October in 1956, an important experiment to heal
the rift between Church and State had been undertaken by an independent