physical health outcomes using different methods including surveys, prospective
studies and daily diary designs (see O’Connor et al., 2013; Verkuil et al., 2012; Verkuil
et al., 2010 for a review). Therefore, these findings underline the need for future
stress research to include indices of rumination as well as stress appraisal processes. This
further highlights the need to assess and consider traits and unconscious processes
and to embrace innovative methods and technologies in stress research (e.g. utilizing
electronic data capture methods together with daily and momentary assessment
techniques).
We noted in Chapters 4 and 5 how important context was to the stress–health
relationship and how lack of control over work has especially negative impacts on
health (e.g. Hausser et al., 2010). Awareness of workplace stress has increased greatly
and requirements on employers to prevent harmful conditions at work are now legally
enforceable. Consequently, there is a new impetus for research into stress reduction
at work. Most interventions have focused on moderating stress impact through
counselling and stress-management techniques. Further work on stress prevention,
including theoretically based job redesign interventions are needed. Moreover, research
into work–life balance is in its relative infancy and researchers have only just begun
to study in detail positive as well as negative impacts of work on home life (e.g. Song
et al., 2011).
Health inequalities are a central concern for the UK government and other first-
world countries. There is evidence indicating that those with higher socio-economic
status may better able to enact their intentions to engage in health protecting behaviour
and to avoid health risk behaviours (Conner et al., 2013a) and also respond more
positively to health promotion, thereby widening the health inequalities gap (NICE,
2007). However, there is little good evidence of the moderating effect of social
inequalities on health promoting interventions. Further studies, especially those
focusing on how we can empower those from disadvantaged backgrounds to take
advantage of and engage with health promotion efforts are needed.
Researchers examining coping have identified many strategies and consistent styles
and identified circumstances in which particular approaches are likely to lead to
satisfactory outcomes (see Chapter 5). However, further work is needed on how people
can proactively cope to avoid future stressors and minimize their impact. There is also
a need to identify effective coping with specific stressors (e.g. in medical situations)
with a view to developing practice-relevant interventions. Social support is related to
health and mortality and has been found to buffer stress–health relationships. New
research into the role of web-based social support networks (Coulson, 2013) may help
clarify how these can be used to optimize positive and minimize negative effects.
Studies have found that people with particular personality traits (e.g. high con -
scientiousness) not only experience better health but also live longer (see Chapter 6).
Work in this area is especially impressive because it has often employed objective health
measures such as longevity. Further research could clarify the mechanisms by which
personality impacts on health (see Hampson, 2012). Such understanding is crucial if
we are to apply the findings to improve health. For example, work on conscientious -
ness suggests that its effects are partially mediated by increased health protective
behaviours and decreased health risking behaviour. Given that personality traits are
difficult to change, interventions might need to be targeted at individuals with
particular traits (e.g. a focus on improving health behaviours among those low in
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