Hadjikyriacou | 241From “a Certain Hadjiyorgakis” to “Dragoman of Cyprus”
and “Representative of the Non-Muslims”
The earliest documentary reference available of Hadjiyorgakis refers to him
as the interpreter of one Hadjiyannis Ağa, presumably a rich notable who em-
ployed a dragoman to assist him in his dealings with the Ottoman authorities.
At this early stage, Hadjiyorgakis, bearing no official title and described as “a
certain Hadjiyorgakis,” was either acting as a tax collector on behalf of Hadji-
yannis Ağa or had invested in tax collection himself. Either way, he was at the
bottom of the tax-collection pyramid. The petitioners accused him of acts of
“oppression and transgression,” because he doubled the amount of taxes he was
supposed to collect.
Despite the formulaic language and limited information in this source, it
is feasible to make certain extrapolations. As an employee of Hadjiyannis Ağa,
Hadjiyorgakis acquired connections within the administration. This privileged
position provided him with an insider’s view of tax-collection procedures; gave
him knowledge of economic, political, and administrative networks; and ex-
posed him to investment opportunities.
His marriage to the niece of the archbishop of Cyprus provided a key con-
nection that opened many doors. This marriage, however, was beneficial to not
only the groom but also the bride’s family. Given the subsequent tensions between
Hadjiyorgakis and the archbishop, the latter must have felt that this marriage
would enable him to co-opt this established, independently minded notable, who
would give him better access to power and capital. At one point, Hadjiyorgakis
appears as one of the two biggest creditors of the clerical leadership. Moreover,
Hadjiyorgakis’s wife, Maroudia, later came into conflict with the bishops over
debts they owed to the family.
One should not assume that Hadjiyorgakis’s support networks were limited
to his coreligionists. His rise to the position of dragoman was possible with the
support of the controversial governor Abdülbaki at a time when shared interests
provided incentives for interconfessional cooperation. Yet such alliances were
contingent on mutual benefits, and by 1784 this partnership had dissolved. Ten-
sions among Abdülbaki, the bishops, and Hadjiyorgakis caused the latter two to
pool resources to sack the governor.
Abdülbaki was removed after an official inquiry revealed that he had ac-
cumulated eight million kuruş over nine years in the governorship—more than
half the central Ottoman treasury’s revenue for 1787–1788 (13.25 million kuruş).
The magnitude clearly reveals the power of Abdülbaki, whose patrons in Istan-
bul provided him a strong imperial support network. Yet Abdülbaki’s patrons
were neutralized by rival imperial factions that supported Hadjiyorgakis and the
Cypriot bishops.