Financial Times Europe - 21.03.2020 - 22.03.2020

(Amelia) #1

6 ★ FT Weekend 21 March/22 March 2020


Few self-styled social
democrats read Marx
As a student, I was a member of the
Student League of Industrial
Democracy, which became Students for
Democratic Society. n the socialistO
spectrum it was rightwing and anti-
communist. Emphasis was on co-
operatives and co-operation, but
hardly any grounding in socialism,
Marxist or revisionist. That came in the
1960s as resistance to the long war in
Vietnam. Ed Luce cut a fine slice of the
“progressive billionaires” in Marin
County; armchair progressives until
reality touches the purse (FT
Magazine, March 14). They will vote
for Biden because they dislike Trump.
Few self-styled social democrats have
read Marx. Like Bernie Sanders,
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortezcalls for
comprehensive medical assurance, free
public university education and the
Green Deal. But for Seattle councillor
Kshama Sawant, Mr Luce marches out
the same old suspects, like Robert
Reich. He could have called upon
Richard D Wolff who talks up
democratic socialism,although alas
not in the mainstream media.
Jakob Wasi
New York, NY, US

Lammy never went
to public school
A correction for the public record in
response to the letter of Anthony
Ojolola (Letters, FT Weekend,March
14 ). He describes David Lammy as a
“public school-educated Harvard Law
graduate”. In fact, The King’s School
Peterborough which Mr Lammy
attended was not a public school — it
was a state comprehensive, being then
the only cathedral school which had
remained in the state system.
Beryl Dennis
Peterborough, Cambs, UK

Late-1960s London was


no egalitarian utopia
In deploring wealth, at least of the
conspicuous kind, David Redshaw cites
the UK in 1967 as a healthy example of
a time and place without too much of it
(“ Veblen intended to satirise the rich”,
Letters, FT Weekend, March 14). As for
implied cause and effect, I would
question whether that year in Britain
was the harbinger of a specially happy
subsequent decade or so. I can recall
quite a few Rolls-Royce and Bentley
cars on the road in the London area
around 1967 — though I am quite

prepared to believe there could have
been proportionately more of them in
terrible places with intolerably low tax
rates like the Isle of Man.
Andy Thompson
Worcester Park, Surrey, UK

Veblen’s targets belonged


to an earlier era
David Redshaw is surely wrong
(Letters, March 14) in claiming that
Thorstein Veblen devised the term
“conspicuous consumption” to satirise
“the ludicrous and ostentatious dress
and lifestyles of the über-rich in the
1920s”.The Theory of the Leisure Class,
the book in which he coined the term,
was published in 1899.
Oliver Corlett
Oakland, CA, US

Unlikely interwar visitors


to the Hotel du Cap
I would call into question the likelihood
that James Baldwin (born 1924) or
even Ella FitzGerald (born 1917)
visited the Hotel du Cap during “those
heady years between the wars” (Life &
Arts, FT Weekend, March 14).
William H Janeway
Cambridge, Cambs, UK

A world without
modern tech
Every weekend enjoy sifting andI
contrasting the concerns of your
magazine contributors. Last weekend
was a bumper crop: Hattie Garlick’s
subtly anguished reflections on
curating her online life; Tim Hayward’s
reverent piece on the “grace” of being
well fed; and the weird glamour of the
reopening of a thousand-star-hotel on
the French Riviera, just when a crafty
virus is holding global travel to ransom.
But what impressed me most was
learning that Kaffe Fassett, the
exuberant colourist, engages with the
world without driving, working a
computer or owning a mobile phone
(How to Spend it, March 14). How
refreshing. I’m off to do a spot of
quilting. Honestly.
Anne Greer
Worcester, Worcestershire, UK

Letters


SATURDAY21 MARCH 2020

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Correction


c photograph accompanying an articleA
on the redevelopment of London’s King’s
Cross district in House & Home on March
14 was of a strip club in King’s Cross, Syd-
ney, not London as the caption mplied.i

In times of crisis, the country wants to
rally behind its government. Whatever
reservations some people have about
Boris Johnson, they recognise the
exceptional nature of the coronavirus
emergency and understand that there
will be mistakes in addressing it.
A government, however, must also
accept when errors have been made.
The prime minister’s early crisis
response was slow and the initial strat-
egy, of allowing controlled spread of the
virus in the hope of buildingherd
immunity n the population, rejectedi
by other European nations, was flawed.
Mr Johnson is now moving rapidly
along the curve. His announcement
lateyesterday of the nationwide clo-
sure of pubs, restaurants and leisure
facilities was the right decision, if over-
due. Strengthened social distancing
measures are vital to try to ensure the
NHS is not overwhelmed. The prime
minister must think hard about
whether shop closures, except food
stores and pharmacies, should follow.
Chancellor Rishi Sunak is also rising
to the challenge. His£350bn support
package o the economyt this week put
meat on his “whatever it takes” prom-
ise to support business and the econ-
omy. The pledge yesterday that all
companies — including non-profit
enterprises — can claim grants of 80
per cent of salaries for furloughed
workers, up to £2,500 a month, is a
bold and substantial one.
Yet the government was sluggish ini-
tially in setting up co-ordinating struc-
tures. Mr Johnson took too long to chair
his first crisis committee and bring in
other ministers alongside his advisers.
The UK was slow to recognise that it
was in a global race for medical equip-
ment. It needs more and it is lagging
behind on testing capacity.
Rightly, the herd immunity strategy
has been abandoned as it became clear
it would lead to a swamped NHS and


thousands more deaths. Critics wonder
why Mr Johnson was not more ques-
tioning of theoriginal plan. The public
has been impressed by the chief medi-
cal and scientific advisers but Mr John-
son is the prime minister.
The change of strategy left far less
time to plan the other steps known to
be necessary, but which he hoped to
delay. This sense of playing catch-up
explains why measures such as school
closures are throwing up predictable
questions, yet ministers lack answers.
Less pardonable is the delay in getting
protective equipment to medical staff.
Citizens have three primary con-
cerns: that their livelihoods are safe-
guarded; that the NHS will cope; and
that there will beenough food o eat.t
Mr Sunak’s package helps address the
first, but more is needed on the others.
In tone and instinct the government
is doing better, but there is a gap
between promise and delivery. Mr
Johnson’s instincts are towards sunny
rhetoric. This has its place, but the pub-
lic may respond better to a serious rec-
ognition of problems and clear plans.
On food supplies, entreaties to peo-
ple to “be reasonable” are not enough
to counter empty shelves. Measures to
waive competition rules to allow col-
laboration are welcome. But both the
food andhealth equipment ssues cryi
out for the appointment of a logistics
supremo. Michael Gove appears to be
the government’s main fixer, but there
is a case for bringing in an expert from
business or the military. This govern-
ment lacks experience. It should not be
afraid to bring it in, recalling former
ministers if they can help.
The government needs support and
some latitude. It is learning its lessons
in the teeth of a crisis that would test
history’s greatest statesmen. In the first
weeks it has too often seemed behind
the curve. It is upping its game, but
catch-up time is over.

New social distancing and worker support measures are substantial


Large parts of the western world are
this weekend in lockdown. Thestate of
California— a bigger economy than the
UK — yesterday became the latest to
enforce sweeping social distancing
measures aimed at reducing the spread
of coronavirus. It joins cities such as
New York, and much of Europe, where
movement and business is now
restricted in the name of public health.
Alongside the virus suppression
measures that spread with extraordi-
nary speed this week, the global eco-
nomic policymaking apparatus has
shuddered into overdrive. This began
on Sunday when the Federal Reserve
cut interest rates to zero, relaunched
quantitative easing and extended swap
lines to foreign central banks.
The European Central Bank and the
Bank of England followed on Thursday,
with hundreds of billions in asset pur-
chases. The Fed also extended swap
lines to even more US allies, helping to
ease a funding squeeze as investors
dumped even safe-haven investments
such as government bonds andgold ni
a scramble to get hold of dollars.
The co-ordinated action is showing
signs of having ameliorated the purely
financial aspects of the crisis.Global
stocks nd the price of oil rose yester-a
day, while the US dollar’s rapid climb
went into reverse — though Wall Street
struggled to hold on to its early gains. A
lot has been achieved this week, but
more is still needed — especially in
terms of support to the real economy.
After the falls in markets, the dam-
age to livelihoods is just beginning. Job-
less claims for the US rose last week by
the fourth biggest percentage on
record. Goldman Sachs estimates this
week’s figures will rise by 2.25m: the
highest ever.
Policymakers must now turn atten-
tion to making the recession as shallow
as possible and the eventual recovery
robust. This does not mean boosting


current spending; consumption will
inevitably fall with populations in lock-
down. Stimulus should instead encour-
age productive capacity to remain, so
that when social distancing comes to an
end businesses can resume work and
employees return to their jobs.
European governments have already
launched programmes including tax
holidays and loan guarantees to keep
companies in business. On Monday,
France said it would guarantee loans to
businesses worth about 12 per cent of
national income. The UK made guaran-
tees worth 15 per cent. The US Senate
introduced legislation yesterday that
would unlock more than $1tn in total,
including $208bn of loan guarantees.
Cheap credit can help some busi-
nesses survive but others will not be
viable with theadditional debt at any
cost. Governments now need to pro-
vide help so companies can keep their
workers on the books ready for when
the virus passes. France and Germany
have relaunched the kind of subsidised
short-term working arrangements that
helped during the financial crisis. In
one of the most substantial packages so
far, the UK government yesterday
pledged to pay 80 per cent of the wages
of workers who are furloughed rather
than fired, up to a certain limit.
Direct payments, funded by govern-
ment borrowing or in extremis central
banks, are also now called for — and in
size. Other countries can learn from
the US, where Congress is debating just
how much to send to low- and middle-
income workers. Methods need to be
found to offer payments in other devel-
oped countries.
As with antivirus efforts, time is of
the essence. The faster governments
put in place measures to combat reces-
sion, the better. Welfare states were
created to provide insurance for tem-
porary sickness and unemployment.
Now it is time to show what they can do.

The next stage of crisis firefighting is to safeguard companies and jobs


Johnson is coming to


grips with the virus


Global policymaking


has cranked into gear


It is never easy to admit that you are
wrong; especially when you have
previously earned fame (and billions
of dollars) by calling the future right.
However, Ray Dalio, founder of the
world’s largest hedge fund,
Bridgewater Associates, has done just
that. After it emerged that his flagship
fund was down about 20 per cent
since the start of the year, Mr Dalio
admitted that he had been caught flat-
footed by the recent coronavirus-
driven market swings — in sharp
contrast to the 2008 financial crisis,
when he and his team predicted
events with such prescience that they
profited handsomely.
“We’re disappointed because we
should have made money rather than
lost money in this move, the way we
did in 2008,” he told the FT. It seems
that the systems Bridgewater
developed to analyse the flows of
finance and economic activities did
not offer any guidance when looking
at a rare event such as the current
pandemic. “We didn’t know how to
navigate the virus and chose not to
because we didn’t think we had an
edge in trading it,” Mr Dalio added.
“So, we stayed in our positions and, in
retrospect, we should have cut all
risk.”
Now, many readers may feel baffled
by this, given that the whole point of
investing with hedge funds is that they
are supposed to beat the markets at
times of stress. However, I think that
scorn is the wrong response here.

Never mind the fact that Bridgewater
is far from the only fund to suffer big
losses and that Mr Dalio has admitted
to his mistakes (which is a more
honest approach than most of his
rivals). What is interesting to ponder
is what this episode reveals about the
nature of forecasting — and our
modern attitudes towards time.
As anthropologists often point out,
the way we think about time is a
defining feature of the post-
enlightenment world. During much of
human history, the future was viewed
as a vague and terrifyingly
unknowable blur.
In modern, post-enlightenment
western cultures, however, a linear
vision of time emerged that presumes
the past can be extrapolated into the
future with a sense of progression. In
the 20th century, this gave birth to the
risk management and finance
professions, as Peter Bernstein wrote
two decades ago in his brilliant book
Against the Gods.
By the turn of the century,
innovations such as computing and
the internet were turbocharging the
forecasting business to an
extraordinary degree, as Margaret
Heffernan notes in her excellent (and
very timely) new bookUncharted.
Ms Heffernan writes that while the
forecasting business has made its
“experts” very rich, it is also based on
a fallacy: the idea that the future can
be neatly extrapolated from the past.
Moreover, the apparent success of

some pundits in predicting events
(such as the 2008 crash) makes them
so overconfident that they get locked
into particularly rigid models. “The
harder economists try to identify
sure-fire methods of predicting
markets, the more such insight eludes
them,” she writes.
Is there a solution? Ms Heffernan’s
answer is to embrace uncertainty,
build resilience, use “narrative” (or
qualitative) analyses instead of rigid
models and to respect the wisdom of
diverse views to avoid tunnel vision.
There is another way to frame this
debate: to treat models (whether they
emerge from computer science or
economics) like a compass in a dark
wood at night. Navigation tools can
give you a sense of direction and
orientation; it would be ridiculous to
toss them out entirely. However, if you
rely exclusively on them, accidents
can occur. The trick, then, is to use
navigation aids but also to maintain
your peripheral vision.
Using the insights of cultural
anthropology is one way to do this,
since it provides a social context for
looking at our favoured tools (and
thus a way to see their shortcomings).
Others might argue that peripheral
vision simply stems from common
sense. Either way, now more than
ever, we need this broader perspective
— and humility — when we try to
assess what might happen next, not
just with the markets but with the
coronavirus outbreak too.

The problem


with predictions


in an age of


uncertainty


Notebook


by Gillian Tett


Ed Balls did not have much time for
Anne Case and Angus Deaton’s new
bookDeaths of Despair “(American
Carnage”, Life and Arts, FT Weekend,
March 14). But he’s attacking their
liberal (in the American sense) critique
of the detrimental impact of late
capitalism on the white working class
from the left. What’s this? Just as UK
Chancellor Rishi Sunak goes all JM
Keynes, Ed Luce tells us that, “Even
when [Bernie] Sanders is losing, he is
winning” (“The Future of Socialism in
America”, FT Magazine, March 14) and
Comrade Balls pops up all lefty! He also
finishes with an intriguing admission of

doubt: “I ended the book worried that
economics still doesn’t seem to have
answers to the economic and cultural
dislocation faced by so many working
people in the US and across Europe.”
Something really significant is going
on. The neoclassical conceptual model
that still holds sway in the economics
departments of our universities is
intellectually bankrupt, in denial about
the financial crisis that it said couldn’t
happen. The neoliberal policy
prescription to which there has been
no alternative for the last 40 years has
been tested to destruction... and
failed. Jeremy Corbyn and Mr Sanders

are not going to be our leaders — but
they are harbingers of change. They
have opened a space for discussion and
possible renaissance on the left, forcing
their disgust at what’s wrong with the
current economic orthodoxy on to the
mainstream agenda. What we are
waiting for is a new Keynes, someone
who will change the terms of the
debate altogether and offer a new
economic model as he, and then
Friedrich Hayek, both did in the 20th
century. But where is she?
There have been some interesting
candidates (many of them female —
Stephanie Kelton, Anne Pettifor,

Mariana Mazzucato, Kate Raworth)
but no one has ucceeded in changings
thegame. And even the bumptious Mr
Balls, for all that he seems to be riding
the wave to the left, says we don’t have
the answers. Buthe’d be fun to talk to.
Virus restrictions permitting, why
doesn’t the FT invite him to lunch and
put him on the spot on the Green New
Deal, the Sanders/Corbyn phenomenon,
modern monetary theory, doughnut
economics and other stuff? Who does
he think might be the new Keynes?
And could AOC be the new FDR?
Rod Wood
Nottingham, UK

Economic policy prescriptions have been tested to destruction


MARCH 21 2020 Section:Features Time: 3/202020/ - 19:00 User:alistair.hayes Page Name:LEADER USA, Part,Page,Edition:USA , 6, 1

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