to support pregnancy. The shift from agriculture to urban industry has reduced
the need for high calorie consumption by manual labourers. The calorie
requirements of an ‘average Indian man’ weighing 60kg are almost 60 per cent
higher if he is engaged in heavy rather than sedentary activity (3,800 and 2,425
calories respectively). There has also been a big increase in television owner-
ship (indicating more sedentary leisure pursuits) and bicycle ownership
(reducing the need for calories to sustain physical effort) (Deaton and Drèze,
2009).
Historical and contemporary case studies show the Indian paradox to be
more typical than some commentators have considered. Estimates show that
wages in Britain increased for most occupations between 1770 and 1850 but as
with contemporary India, per capita food consumption declined. In 1863 the
average English adult agricultural worker consumed 3,262 calories per day, a
level far in excess of modern consumers. The decline of manual agricultural
labour, falling fertility rates and improved health together reduced the demand
for calories and rising real incomes were diverted into increased consumption
of new and more expensive foodstuffs such as tea, sugar and fresh milk (Clark
et al., 1995). The case of historical Britain is remarkably similar to that of
contemporary India. China offers a slightly different example. Despite rapid
income growth between the 1980s and 2000s average nutrition availability in
China declined after the mid-1990s. For the wealthier, we again see a familiar
story of calories derived from cereals being (more than) compensated for by
increased consumption of fruit, vegetables, meat, fish and eggs. For the poor,
expenditure on calories was crowded out by increased food prices as a result of
reduced government subsidies (particularly till 1993) on health care, educa-
tion, housing, and other non-food necessities (Meng et al.,2009). This story
lacks the optimistic angle; here calorie consumption was not declining because
the poorest were exercising choice.
Globally the transition to a diet characterized by high consumption of
sugar, saturated fats and refined foods and reduced intake of fibre is happen-
ing at much lower income levels than in earlier history. There are various
possible reasons: lower food prices (certainly between the 1970s and 1990s);
global media images; technological change that increases sedentary work
and leisure activity; and consumption of processed foods made easier by
supermarkets and microwaves (Popkin, 2003). In consequence obesity and
diabetes are now increasing globally. The concept of ‘basic needs’ based on
what an expert chooses to be an ideal consumption basket is becoming
increasingly difficult to sustain. This discussion leaves us facing some big
questions. Is development fundamentally about paternalism and doing good,
using persuasion, subsidies and even coercion (for example making vaccina-
tion compulsory) to push people into adopting lifestyles compatible with
well-being? Or is development about empowering people to make choices,
ev en if those choices involve using ample disposable income to choose a diet
that undermines nutritional status? Just whose ideal end-state are we aiming
to achieve?
Thinking about Growth 37