The EconomistNovember 16th 2019 Asia 49
1
O
n the daythat Kem Sokha was released
from 14 months of house arrest, he de-
cided to stay at home. The Cambodian op-
position leader did meet politely with for-
eign bigwigs who were at last free to call on
him, but declined to address waiting re-
porters. He was still barred from participat-
ing in politics, he explained, and did not
know what the courts might construe as a
political act. He still awaits trial on
trumped-up treason charges. The Cambo-
dia National Rescue Party (cnrp), which he
used to lead, remains banned. And despite
a court’s decision on November 10th to ease
other restrictions on him, he cannot leave
the country.
Ironically, the little breathing room Mr
Kem Sokha has been afforded is probably
thanks to the efforts of his predecessor as
leader of the cnrp, Sam Rainsy, to enter
Cambodia. In August the former finance
minister announced that he would return
to Cambodia on November 9th from self-
imposed exile in France. (He fled four years
ago after being convicted of defamation.)
Ahead of his arrival, the government ar-
rested more than 50 people aligned with
the opposition. Military reinforcements
were sent to the border with Thailand.
The army need not have worried. On
November 7th the Thai authorities an-
nounced that Mr Sam Rainsy would not be
allowed to enter the country, much less
cross it on his way to Cambodia. The same
day Mu Sochua, deputy leader of the cnrp,
was detained for hours upon arrival in Ma-
laysia. The Malaysian and Thai govern-
ments said cravenly that they did not want
to undermine relations with Cambodia.
Eventually the Malaysian authorities re-
lented, allowing Ms Mu Sochua and Mr
Sam Rainsy into the country. The whole
rigmarole afforded the opposition leaders
lots of attention in the media and remind-
ed the world of the ongoing subversion of
democracy by Hun Sen, Cambodia’s
strongman of 34 years.
The cnrpused to frighten Mr Hun Sen.
It won 45% of the vote in parliamentary
elections in 2013, despite a huge institu-
tional bias in favour of the ruling Cambodi-
an People’s Party (cpp). It seemed likely to
do even better in the following poll, in 2018.
So the government persuaded the courts to
ban the party before conducting a farcical
election in which the cppwon every seat.
Now the cnrppresents a different sort
of problem. Its members’ mistreatment ap-
pals Western governments, which spent
billions in the 1990s on aunmission to re-
store Cambodia to democracy. The Euro-
pean Union, long disgusted with Mr Hun
Sen’s repression, is considering whether or
not to impose tariffs on Cambodian ex-
ports, threatening the country’s successful
garment industry and its 700,000-odd
workers. “Economic security in Cambodia
is very fragile,” says Vannarith Chheang of
the Asian Vision Institute, a Cambodian
think-tank.
Last year theeubought about two-fifths
of Cambodia’s exports, worth some $6bn. It
is the country’s second-largest trading
partner, after China. On November 12th it
sent a confidential report to the Cambodi-
an government with the results of a nine-
month investigation into the country’s vio-
lations of human and workers’ rights. A fi-
nal decision on the tariffs is expected in
February. By improving the treatment of Mr
Kem Sokha and directing the courts to re-
lease another 70 political prisoners, as it
did on November 14th, the government
doubtless hopes both to improve its stand-
ing in European eyes and to distract atten-
tion from Mr Sam Rainsy’s grandstanding.
There is a possible ancillary benefit for
the Cambodian authorities: Mr Kem
Sokha’s release might revive a rivalry with
Mr Sam Rainsy. “Their dream is of a cage
fight,” reckons Sophal Ear of Occidental
College in America. At any rate, the govern-
ment suddenly sounds quite complimen-
tary about the man it is trying for treason.
“In terms of political courage and reputa-
tion, he has scored much higher than the
populist and cowardly Sam Rainsy,” de-
clared a recent editorial in theKhmer Times,
a mouthpiece for the regime. 7
SINGAPORE
Hun Sen eases up on one dissident to
distract attention from another
Cambodian politics
The opposition
twitches
E
ven for acountry accustomed to bush-
fires, the scenes look apocalyptic.
Swathes of eastern Australia have burned.
As The Economistwent to press, more than
129 fires were raging in the states of New
South Wales and Queensland. Together
they have swallowed more than 2.5m acres
(1m hectares), producing smoke so thick
that it can be seen from space. At least 200
homes have been incinerated and four peo-
ple killed in the inferno.
Never before have bushfires struck Aus-
tralia on such a scale. Many people have
been surprised by their ferocity. The blazes
have reached the outer suburbs of Sydney, a
city of over 5m people (the police are inves-
tigating whether some of the fires that
threatened it were lit on purpose). They
were also edging towards Noosa, a popular
beach resort in Queensland, where resi-
dents were evacuated. “We are used to
floods, not flames,” says Denise Knight, the
mayor of Coffs Harbour, a city on the north-
ern coast of New South Wales, close to one
of the biggest blazes.
Bringing such fast-moving fires under
control is difficult and dangerous. Fire-
fighters have flown in from other parts of
Australia and from New Zealand to help
battle the conflagration. The armed forces
have deployed helicopters. Schools have
been closed, as evacuation centres fill up.
Houses are being doused in a pink potion
that slows the advance of flames. But fire-
fighters fear the worst is not over.
The kindling was laid by the drought
that has been ravaging eastern Australia for
two years. It has killed trees and dried turf
which would normally be too damp to
burn, creating what Martin Rice of the Cli-
mate Council, an ngo, calls “tinderbox
conditions”. The fires have been fanned by
strong winds and scorching temperatures.
In New South Wales, 300 new blazes start-
ed on November 12th alone—“and it isn’t
even summer yet”, observes Matt Sun of the
state’s Rural Fire Service.
Such horrors are looking ever less like
an anomaly, however, and more like the
rule. Fire seasons, once confined to the hot
summer, are growing longer—something
many scientists ascribe to climate change.
Average temperatures in Australia have ris-
en by over 1°C since 1910. Heatwaves are in-
creasingly common and winter rains are
becoming less heavy. This is a recipe for in-
SYDNEY
Unprecedented bushfires stoke a
debate about climate change
Bushfires in Australia
Spring flames
Not so merry