Real Communication An Introduction

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Appendix B   Understanding Mass and Mediated Communication^543

(uses) in order to satisfy our needs and goals (gratifications) (Blumler & Katz,
1974). We might watch comedies or fantasy to escape our troubles at work, or
we might search the Internet for updated information on local tornado warn-
ings. In fact, media are competing with ways to meet our needs—when we
are feeling lonely, we can get together with friends or phone a family member.
Media are also competing with each other—we can check Facebook, watch a
beloved TV character, or tune in to our favorite sports commentator (Dimmick,
Chen, & Li, 2004).
Of course, what solves loneliness for you might just be escape or entertain-
ment to me. It’s all in the individual’s perceptions of the media choices avail-
able. For example, studies of gender and video game use find that male college
students play for far more hours than do females. Both men and women report
that they are motivated to play by the desire to beat the game, but men are more
motivated by the value of the game for competition and social interaction with
other guys (Greenberg, Sherry, Lacklan, Lucas, & Holmstrom, 2010; Lucas &
Sherry, 2004). Women presumably prefer other options for social interaction.
When we come to expect that media will serve certain needs, it can lead to
media dependence (Ball-Rokeach, 1998). Certainly in times of crisis, such as
during emergencies like earthquakes, tornadoes, and blizzards, most of us be-
come dependent on media for information and connection to the world. But
even without crisis, many people find that they depend on media for specific
needs. One national survey found that one-third to one-half of respondents said
that they depend on the Internet for in-depth information about health, science,
or business issues on a weekly basis (Riffe, Lacy, & Varouhakis, 2008). Some
people have become so obsessed with playing online video games that Internet
Gaming Disorder was recently included by the American Psychiatric Association
as a condition that warrants further research (Internet Gaming Disorder, 2013).
This research suggests that what the viewer or listener brings to the media experi-
ence is important.

Reinforcing Existing Attitudes
One important way in which selectivity limits the effects of media is our ten-
dency to select and evaluate media in a way that confirms our existing views.
For example, we often choose our news sources based on whether we anticipate
that they will agree with us. In an experimental study of the effects of perceived
agreement on news choices, Democrats and liberals preferred CNN and NPR
and avoided Fox News, whereas Republicans and conservatives did the opposite
(Iyengar & Hahn, 2009). Similarly, when we watch political debates, we tend to
interpret our preferred candidate as the winner, and we tend to remember the
information that confirms our previous opinions about the candidates.
Increasingly, diverse media outlets make it easier than ever to select and at-
tend only to the entertainment and news messages that already agree with us—
political blogs, fan forums, TV and radio analysts, and partisan cable and online
news. Some critics lament the fact that we can so easily insulate ourselves from
opposing views, arguing that it polarizes us as citizens and is unhealthy for de-
mocracy (Sunstein, 2007). But the case can also be made that the ability of audi-
ences to self-filter messages is empowering and is at least better than having others
(such as professional media editors or the government) do all the filtering for us.

In addition to our news
choices, we tend to choose
entertainment media that
show positive portrayals of
our ingroup members (as
discussed in Chapter 5).
We like to see ourselves
presented in media, and
narrowcasting is an at-
tempt by entertainment
media to capitalize on this
tendency by reaching out
to different co-cultures.

In addition to our news

CONNECT


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