MONDAY,MARCH9,2020| THEGLOBEANDMAILO REPORTONBUSINESS| B
W
hen Conrad Black’s Holl-
inger newspaper group
sold London’s Daily Tel-
egraph for US$1.3-billion in 2004,
few people knew much about the
buyers – reclusive twin brothers
from Britain who lived in a castle
in the Channel Islands.
Sir Frederick and Sir David
Barclay have long avoided the
limelight as they built their busi-
ness empire that stretches across
media, retail and luxury hotels.
The eccentric billionaires, who
are 85 years old, have relied on
their island retreat and the priva-
cy of offshore tax havens as shel-
ters from public glare.
But their private world has
now been shattered by public
revelations of a family feud that
threatens the future of their two
main assets: the Telegraph and
London’s iconic Ritz Hotel. The
dispute broke open in a London
courtroom last month, which
heard allegations that Sir David’s
sons had secretly bugged a con-
servatory at the Ritz where Sir
Frederick enjoyed smoking ci-
gars and talking strategy with his
daughter. The one-day hearing
also revealed that the families
have been at each other’s throats
for years, with no resolution in
sight.
“We all remember Tolstoy say-
ing ‘each unhappy family is un-
happy in its own way,’ ” Sir Fre-
derick’s lawyer Desmond Browne
told the court. “Here, children of
Sir Frederick and Sir David have
been at odds concerning the
family trusts – and cousin, sadly,
has been pitched against cousin.”
In a rare public statement last
week, Sir Frederick said he was
“deeply shocked and saddened
about recent events involving
unethical conduct and intrusion
into my privacy.” He added: “I
hope we can get these family
matters resolved so that we can
all move on.”
The feud comes at a critical
time for the Barclays. Two of
their biggest holdings – online
retailer Very and a delivery ser-
vice called Yodel – lost nearly
£300-million combined, or $523-
million, in the latest fiscal year
and profits at the Telegraph and
the Ritz have been shrinking.
The family has been at logger-
heads over how to ease the finan-
cial pressure, and disputes have
broken out over whether to sell
the Ritz and the Telegraph. Sir
David’s family appears ready to
sell the Ritz to a Saudi group for
£750-million, but Sir Frederick
has threatened legal action if the
sale goes ahead.
“There is no place for any sale
at less than full value,” he said
last week. “A sale below the prop-
er value would give rise to fur-
ther litigation. This would be re-
grettable. There have been a
number of competing offers for
this first-class hotel in excess of
£1 billion.”
There have also been moves to
push Sir Frederick’s daughter,
Amanda, his only child, out of
the business. She’d managed the
hotel’s jewellery operation and a
family trust for years, but joined
the Ritz Hotel’s board last June
when talk of a sale heated up. A
few months later, Sir David’s son
Alastair planted a listening de-
vice in the hotel’s conservatory
to record conversations between
Amanda and Sir Frederick, court
filings allege.
Sir Frederick discovered the
bug on Jan. 13, 2020, when a secu-
rity camera caught Alastair ex-
amining the device. Two weeks
later, Amanda and a colleague
were kicked off the Ritz board
and replaced by two of Sir Da-
vid’s sons. Sir Frederick then
headed to court to seek an in-
junction preventing his nephews
from disclosing the recordings.
They agreed to keep the material
confidential but everyone is ex-
pected back in court again.
Just how the family can re-
solve their differences remains
unclear. The situation has been
compounded by Sir Frederick’s
pending divorce from his wife of
40 years, Hiroko Asada, which
could create more financial un-
certainty depending on how as-
sets are divided, and the gradual
move by Sir David’s eldest son,
Aidan, to take over more daily
operations.
It’s a far cry from the brothers’
early days in business when they
quit school at the age of 16 and
launched a series of ventures in
London that eventually led them
to flipping distressed buildings
and owning a majority stake in
some of the city’s finest hotels:
Claridge’s, the Connaught and
the Berkeley. From there, they
branched out into newspapers,
buying and selling the Scotsman
and then snapping up the Tele-
graph as Lord Black’s newspaper
business became mired in con-
troversy.
The twins were once so close
that they bought the tiny island
of Brecqhou, one of the Channel
Islands, for £3.5-million in 1993
and built a 92-room castle. They
even drank from cups and glass-
es engraved with the initials D&F.
But now, the brothers rarely
speak and spend their time sep-
arately in mansions in London
and Monaco.
Mr. Black has been following
the dispute from afar and he has
nothing but fond memories of
the Barclays. He knew Sir David
and Aidan best, but he also met
“Freddy a few times,” he said in
an e-mail. He found them “a
pleasure to deal with” and add-
ed: “I regret they are having in-
ternecine problems and hope
they work everything out.”
BillionairetwinbrothersSirDavidBarclay,left,andSirFrederickBarclay
areseenafterreceivingtheirknighthoodsfromtheQueenat
BuckinghamPalace.STEPHENSMICHAELSTEPHENS/PA
FamilyfeudthreatensBarclay
brothers’businessempire
PAULWALDIE
EUROPECORRESPONDENT
Thetwinswereonceso
closethattheybought
thetinyislandof
Brecqhou,oneofthe
ChannelIslands,for
£3.5-millionin1993and
builta92-roomcastle.
WhenBritishColumbiaFinanceMinisterCarole
James rose to give her 2020 budget speech, she
took a few sentences to sell the benefits of the
impending B.C. Child Opportunity Benefit,
aimed at helping out poor families with chil-
dren.
“Launching this fall, the new B.C. Child Op-
portunity Benefit will help lift up thousands of
kids and give them the opportunities they de-
serve, now and down the road,” she said.
What the Finance Minister didn’t mention is
thataprogramaimedatreducingchildpoverty
will leave some poorer families paying a higher
provincialtaxrateontheirlastdollarofincome
than families with tens of thousands of dollars
moreinhouseholdincome.Thatisareversalof
the bedrock principle of progressive taxation,
where rates rise as income increases.
ButinthecaseofB.C.’snewchildbenefit,the
opposite is true. An analysis of the complex
clawback of payments shows that it creates an
instance of regressive taxation – in which a
poorerhouseholdpaysahigherrate.Underthe
new program, families start losing four cents of
each dollar of benefits once household income
rises above $25,000.
Those benefits rise with the number of chil-
dren, but the regressive effect is most pro-
nouncedforafamilywithjustonechild.Aone-
child household will receive an annual benefit
of $1,600, but once income has hit $47,500, the
4-per-cent clawback has pared the payment to
$700. The clawback resumes only once house-
hold income passes $80,000. So, a family with
income of $47,500 and a family with income of
$80,001 both have about the same $900 reduc-
tion in benefits.
It’sthatpausethatendsupdistortingthetwo
families’ marginal effective tax rates (a figure
that includes not only income tax rates but the
implicit tax represented by reductions in bene-
fits, among other things).
Both families pay a provincial income tax
rate of 7.7 per cent. But once the effect of the
clawback is added into the mix, the rates tilt to
the disadvantage of the poorer family.
Forthepoorerfamily,theclawbackaddsfour
percentage points to its effective marginal rate,
for a total of 11.7 per cent (a figure that does not
include other levies, such as federal income
tax).Butthemorewell-to-dofamilypaysalow-
er effective marginal rate, which drops to just
7.7 per cent once the clawback is paused. Of
course, both households have benefits clawed
back; even on that measure, the poorer family
is at a disadvantage, since the $900 clawback
represents a larger portion of its income.
Bothfamiliesaresignificantlybetteroff,both
indollartermsandcomparedwiththeprevious
program, which was limited to children under
the age of 6, while the new program provides
benefits until a child turns 18, said Iglika Ivano-
va, senior economist with the Canadian Centre
for Policy Alternatives. But she said it would be
better if the clawback did not have a plateau.
Buttheregressiveturnoftaxratesdoesillus-
trate the complexities of programs that target
benefits,ratherthanthenowpasséapproachof
paying the same amount to all households.
“Managing marginal tax rates is the real art in
policy design,” said public policy analyst Ri-
chard August, who helped to expand Saskatch-
ewan’s child support program in the 1990s.
The B.C. Finance Ministry did not agree to an
interview, but in a statement it said that nearly
300,000 families in the province will receive
payments. The cost of the program is budgeted
at $380-million, nearly triple the $132-million
being spent on the current childhood tax bene-
fit. Part of that increase is due to older children
being covered.
The ministry acknowledged in its statement
thatitdidanalyzemarginaleffectivetaxratesas
part of the program’s design, and that such
rates are an important factor, but not the only
one.
Theministrydidnotprovideareasonforthe
clawbackplateau,butsimplearithmeticholdsa
clue. With the plateau, households earning
closeto$97,500withachildreceivesomebene-
fit. But if the clawback were to apply to every
dollar of income above $47,500, benefits would
be eliminated once household income exceed-
ed $65,000. The pause in the clawback spreads
benefitstoamuchlargernumberof(betteroff)
households, without an additional increase in
the overall cost to thegovernment.
BritishColumbia’sMinisterofFinanceCaroleJamesplayswithachildduringtheFamilyArtsFestival
attheCedarHillRecreationCentreinVictoriaonFeb.17.CHADHIPOLITO/THECANADIANPRESS
WithB.C.’snew
childbenefit,poorer
familiesfacean
unexpectedtaxburden
Undertheprogram,households
startlosingfourcentsofeach
dollarofbenefitsoncetheir
incomerisesabove$25,
PATRICKBRETHOUR
TAXANDFISCALPOLICYREPORTER
Liane Kelly
toBoardofDirectors
B2Gold Corp.
Gordon Johnson
toVice-Chair
British Columbia
Securities
Commission (BCSC)
Michelle Sharp
toNorthAmerican
HumanResources
Practice
Spencer Stuart
Julia McGillis
toCanadianData
andAnalyticsand
FintechPractices
Spencer Stuart
Nirvan Nuckchedee
toNorthAmerican
IndustrialPractice
Spencer Stuart
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