Financial Times Europe - 10.03.2020

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Tuesday10 March 2020 ★ FINANCIAL TIMES 7

John Varley:the chief executive
Mr Varley, 63, with his distinctive
red braces and tailored suits, was
the archetypal City banker as
Barclays chief executive tweenbe
2004 and 2010. He came to the
bankthrough family connections,
marrying into the Pease family who
sold their lender to Barclays in


  1. After rising up throughthe
    ranks, he becamefinance director
    and then chief executive. And
    remainsthe only chief executive of
    a major UK bankto face a juryover
    events related to the financial crisis.
    Roger Jenkins:the ‘gatekeeper’
    At one stage, Mr Jenkins, 64, was
    amongthe best paid bankers in
    Britain— receiving a £25m bonus
    in 2008 as the “gatekeeper” of the
    relationship with Qatar.He had
    worked his way up from a graduate
    trainee to lead the bank’s
    structured wealth division.
    Tom Kalaris: the ‘quarterback’
    Barclays colleagues dubbed the
    American head of its wealth
    division the “quarterback” because
    of his role inhelping to get capital
    raisings over the line. During the
    trial, the father-of-five rolled out
    the big guns as character
    witnesses: the former chairman of
    the old markets regulator, the
    Financial Services Authority, Callum
    McCarthy, and the ex-Barclays
    chairman,David Walker, in place
    when authorities started circling
    the bank. Both vouched for him.
    Richard Boath:the ‘worrier’
    The most junior defendant, Mr
    Boath’s telephone was routinely
    recorded by Barclays because he
    dealt directly with clients and
    provided most of the SFO’s
    evidence. A self-described
    “worrier”, Mr Boath told the SFO —
    during eight days of questioning in
    2014 and 2015 — that the bank
    paid Qatar outsize fees to secure its
    participation in the fundraisings. He
    was cleared by the FCA in its
    parallel regulatory case, and still
    has an employment claim
    outstanding against the bank.
    Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim bin Jabr
    al-Thani:the money man
    Once the powerful prime minister
    of Qatar. Often known simply as
    HBJ,he also chaired theQatar
    Investment Authoritywhich
    invested in Barclays. He first met
    Roger Jenkins on a yacht in
    Sardinia in 2007, and a year later
    invested over £800min Barclays.
    He was one of the Qatari investors
    who received a share of the £322m
    in fees paid by Barclays that were
    at the core of the Old Bailey trial.


The players
Key characters in the
Old Bailey drama

F T B I G R E A D. UK LAW


The acquittal of three former Barclays employees brought an end to an investigation into the bank’s actions during


the financial crisis. But it has renewed calls for reform of laws to prosecute corporations over white-collar crime.


By Caroline Binham and Jane Croft


For the bank, the spectre of a years
long investigation —one of several mis-
conduct issues it has faced— has
weighed on its reputation. It still faces
an outstanding 1bn lawsuit£ ver claimso
of deceit by the firm founded by
Amanda Staveley, the financier who
orchestrated Abu Dhabi’s investment
into the October fundraising.
Barclays, and indeed Mr Varley and
Mr Jenkins, now face delayed regulatory
scrutiny from the Financial Conduct
Authority,over theQatari affair. It was
the FCA’s predecessor body, theFSA,
that first opened a file on the bank after
finding suspect emails during a routine
visit in 2011.
But for the SFO, the case has become
bigger than the sum of its parts. The
acquittal of Mr Varley and the scrubbing
of the corporate charges in particular
strike at its very purpose of being a
“specialist prosecuting authority tack-
ling the top level of serious or complex
fraud” as the agency describes itself.
The UK is not uniquein failing to
secure any convictions of bankers since
2008 despite banks paying eye-water-
ing fines and costs in related litigation.
The UShas imprisoned just one banker
over the crisis: a junior Credit Suisse
trader, for inflating the price of sub-

prime mortgages. He received a 30-
month sentence.
Elizabeth Warren, who until last week
was vying to become the Democratic
presidential candidate, tweeted that
giant banks “will only clean up their act
when their executives know they’ll face
handcuffs when they preside over mas-
sive fraud”.
In the UK Ms Osofsky has said the
agency is “hamstrung” by the directing-
mind principle. She told parliamentari-
ans last year that without reform “I can
go after Main Street, but I can’t go after
Wall Street”— small companies but not
corporates with layers of control.
Yet Brexitmay hinder any legal
reform.
“You’ve got to ask how attractive this
will be to Boris [Johnson] and his post-
Brexit Britain,” says a former senior
prosecutor. “The prime minister is not
going to want to be seen to be adding red
tape to business right now.
“If they want to hold corporates
accountable, hey need to make thist
change, but will probablykick it into the
long grass and give it to the Law Com-
mission to consider,” he says referring to
the body that recommends changes to
the law. “That’ll probably take five to
seven years.. longer than [any] SFO.
investigation.”

The legal fight over a company’s


‘controlling mind’


R


oger Jenkins as once one ofw
Britain’s most powerful
bankers,earning as much as
£75m in 2005. But sitting in
the dock at London’s Old Bai-
ley ressed down in a dark jumper andd
trousers, it was sometimes difficult to
remember that he was once the “gate-
keeper” of Barclays Bank’s multibillion-
pound relationship with Qatar’s then
prime ministerSheikh Hamad bin Jabr
al-Thani, who he had first met on board
a yacht in Sardinia.
He was facingcharges that — along
with two other formerBarclays Bank
employees — he lied to the market over
fees paid to Qatar, s the Gulf statea
invested £4bn to help save the bank at
the height of the financial crisis.
Calm throughout the five-month
trial,Mr Jenkins arely raised his voicer
under cross-examination even as he
described being orderedback to work,
just weeks after a heart attack, in August
2008, to help the bank avoida humiliat-
ing UK taxpayer bailout.
But when asked about his responsibil-
ity for£322m infees paid to the Qataris,
he becameanimated. Mr Jenkins
insisted that the two side deals were
struck as part of afundraising,were
genuine and not a “smokescreen” for
illegal payments, as the Serious Fraud
Office had alleged. Adding thatfar from
being “misleading”, the October 2008
capital-raising prospectus had been
approved byBarclays’ board.
“To imply... that I’m in some way
guilty for this document, I’m sorry I find
[it] very difficult to continue that con-
versation,” he told the SFO’s prosecutor
Edward Brown QC in one charged
exchange. “We have a board for that rea-
son and I am not on that board. Sorry to
be emotional about it.”
His comment lies at the heart of the
failed landmark UK prosecution. One
that began nine years ago when the
financial regulator’s investigation first
started, tooktwo jury trials and ended
with Mr Jenkins, along with co-defend-
antsRichard Boath, a senior banker,
andTom Kalaris, former head of Bar-
clays’ wealth division, beingacquitted at
the end of February.
The lack of prosecutions of senior
bankers — arising out of events during
the financial crisis —unleashed public
anger on both sides of the Atlantic. But
the clean sweep of acquittals — which
mean that no UK bank boss has been
convicted or jailedover actions taken in
the crisis — throws up wider questions
about the UK’s ability to prosecute alle-
gations of white-collar crime at the
highest levels.
Unlike in the US, prosecutors in Eng-
land and Wales must demonstrate that
the “directing mind” of a company was
involved in alleged criminalityto prove
a companyliable.
“It is almost impossible to find a con-
trolling mind and prove that controlling
mind is complicit in any criminality,”
says David Green,director of the SFO

emergency fundraisings in June and
October 2008. The investmentsaved
the lender from a state bailout.
When the SFOfiled chargesin 2017, it
was the first time major bank and itsa
chief executive had faced the prospect
of a jury trial over events during the cri-
sis. Unusually,the SFO decided to
charge Barclays as a corporate defend-
ant, accusing it of fraud and illegal
financial assistance.
ButJohn Varley, chief executivein
2008, was acquitted by the first trial
judge last year and the corporate
charges — built arounda $3bn loan the
bankextended to Qatar’s finance minis-
try just as the second fundraising was
closing — were scrubbed even before
trial.The SFO had accused Barclays of
lending Qatar the moneysimply to rein-
vest in the bank, essentially propping up
its share price.
The court found no case of any crimi-
nal wrongdoing against Barclays, or Mr
Varley, and the jury in the retrial made it
clear they did not believe any allega-
tions of criminality against the three
defendants taking just over five hours to
clear them.
But in the wake of the failure of both
jury trials,lawyerssayprosecutingbig
companies in the UK looks to have
become even harder. rosecutors haveP
struggled to meet the “controlling
mind”test in the past. In 2015, the UK
Crown Prosecution Service announced
it would not chargeNews Group News-
papers over the phone hacking scandal,
which saw several of its journalists con-
victed for voicemail interception.
At the time the CPS said: “The present
state of the law means it is especially dif-
ficult to establish criminal liability
against companies with complex or dif-
fuse management structures.”
There is nodefinition of what consti-
tutes a directing mind, but up until the
Barclays case it was thought, by prose-
cutors, that a group chief executive, sa
Mr Varley was, would make the grade.
The first trial judge, Mr Justice Jay,
obliterated that assumption: in essence,
he ruled that Mr Varley was not the
directing mind of Barclays — and, there-
fore, Barclays could not be prosecuted
on the SFO’s evidence. Mr Varley was
answerable to the board, whichin the
judge’s view meant he was not working
as the company but for the company.
Mr Justice Jay acquitted Mr Varley
halfway through the first jury trial in
2019 on the basis that the SFO had
brought insufficient evidence to show
he had acted dishonestly; he could not
be held accountable for alleged
misrepresentations made to the market
in Barclays’ name.
Essentially the bank ould not be heldc
accountable for the actions of the chief
executive, but neither could the chief
executive be accountable for the actions
of Barclays. In an unsuccessful appeal
against Mr Justice Jay’s decision the SFO
argued that the dual rulings would allow
directors to “insulate themselves from

liability” and make such alleged
offences “impossible to prosecute”.
In a bid to clarify the law,Ms Osofsky
could nowask the attorney-general to
make a special reference to the Court of
Appeal — this involves granting permis-
sion for a special case to be brought to
decide a point of law.She haslong called
on parliament to overhaul “antiquated”
fraud laws andallow prosecutions ifa
company fails to take adequate steps to
prevent fraud by employees.
“Although it’s easy from the sidelines
to ask why haven’t people been held to
account, and why haven’t there been
criminal convictions a lot of the things
that went on are difficult to prove to a
criminal standard,” says Mark Button,
director of the Centre for Counter Fraud
Studies at Portsmouth University. “And
that is why not a lot has happened.”
The identification principle governs
almost all areas of corporate crime
except bribery, where, since 2011, it has
been possibletoprosecute orporationsc
under the UK Bribery Act for failure to
preventgraft in their organisation.
Since 2017 failure to preventcovers tax
evasion charges. Mr Green,and others,
wantparliament to extend that “failure
to prevent” to cover economic crime,
which would make it easier to prosecute
large companies.
The SFO has also beenstriking US-
style deferred prosecution agreements
wherea company agrees to pay a hefty
fine and overhaul compliance in
exchange for a suspension rather than a
prosecution. Since 2014 it has struck
DPAs with seven companies, including
Rolls-Royce, Tesco and, most recently,
Airbus. But in none of those cases have
any individuals been convicted.
But the SFO’s approach to DPAs has
raised questions over whether the proc-
ess is fair because individuals can be
named publicly as the wrongdoers and
directing minds in a DPA yet be acquit-
ted by a jury in a criminal court. In the
Tesco example, the judge threw out the
SFO’s case against three former execu-
tives on trial because it was “so weak”,
even though they had been named as
the supermarket’s directing mind in the
corporate DPA.
“We now have a system where it’s all
about the money,” says Jonathan Pick-
worth, a lawyer at White & Case. “It’s
almost like a new system of taxation,
with little concern from the SFO about
whether it can successfully prosecute
the individuals whom the company and
the SFO conveniently agree are respon-
sible for the alleged offences.”

A changed world
More than a decadeon from the emer-
gency cash calls in question,the world
has changed.Qatar is not quite the
global powerhouse it was in 2008 after
being isolated by its neighbours over
regional divisions. Yet Qatar Investment
Authority, the state-owned holding
company, remains the second-largest
shareholder in Barclays.

when it launched its investigation ntoi
Barclays, who argues that prosecutions
are being hampered by this legal
requirement. “The email chain tends to
dry up at middle management level.
“[These acquittals] will turbo-charge
arguments in favour of reform of the law
on corporate criminal liability,” says Mr
Green, now a partner at law firm Slaugh-
ter and May. “The current law was
developed in the industrial revolution
when companies were beginning to be
formed and consisted of one person or
two or three people so it was very easy to
identify who was a controlling mind.”

His successor at the SFO,Lisa Osof-
sky, was even blunter duringthe trial,
telling the BBC that the law was a
“standard from the 1800s when ‘mom
and pop’ ran companies — that is not at
all reflective of today’s world.”

Desperate measures
The court case recalled thedesperate
measuresBarclays took to stay out of
UK government hands. And with the
SFO evidence hinging on extracts from
MrBoath’s taped phone conversations
in 2008 — including lurid conversations
in which he discussed with Mr Kalaris
fears of going to jail —it was a vivid
reminder of a different era.
The juryheard that after Barclays
agreed the Qatari fundraising, Mr
Jenkins, who was paid £39.5m in 2007,
pushed for an additional £25mfor his
role in helping to raise the capital, say-
ing he had helped “save our arses and
jobs”.
The SFO allegedthe £322m side deal
or advisory services agreement — sealed
with a six-paragraph handwritten letter
— was a dishonest way of funnellingout-
size fees to Qatariinvestors, including
Sheikh Hamad. The case alleged that
the payments were to help securea
£4bn investment into Barclays via

‘[The acquittals] will


turbocharge arguments


in favour of reform of the


law on corporate


criminal liability’


‘[Post-Brexit] the prime


minister not going tois


want to be seen


adding red tape to


business right now’


Lisa Osofsky, of the SFO, wants an
overhaul of ‘antiquated’ fraud laws

From left: Tom
Kalaris, Roger
Jenkins and
Richard Boath,
were found not
guilty of lying to
the market over
£322m in
payments to
investors in Qatar
Getty Images; Reuters

MARCH 10 2020 Section:Features Time: 9/3/2020- 18:36 User:alistair.hayes Page Name:BIG PAGE, Part,Page,Edition:USA, 7, 1

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