14 THENEWYORKER,JULY27, 2020
reform, began enumerating the commis
sion’s recommendations. Suddenly, a
young, neatly dressed woman seated near
the front stood up. “O.K., folks,” she said.
“Now it’s time to hear from the real ex
perts. I don’t mean the public opinion
you’re so uninterested in. I mean concrete
evidence from the people who really
know—women. I can tell you the psy
chological and sociological effect the law
has had on me—it’s made me angry! It ’s
made me think about things like forcing
doctors to operate at gunpoint.”
It took several minutes for Senator
Lent to collect himself and try to re
store order. By that time, several other
women were on their feet, shouting.
“Where are the women on your panel?”
one woman said.
“I had an abortion when I was sev
enteen. You don’t know what that’s like,”
another said. “Men don’t get pregnant.
Men don’t rear children. They just make
the laws,” said a third.
Senator Lent began, “If you girls can or
ganize yourselves and elect a spokesman—”
“We don’t want a spokesman! We all
want to testify!” a woman cried.
“But wait a minute, dear—” the Sen
ator began.
“Don’t call me ‘dear’! Would you call
a black person ‘boy’?” the woman shouted.
The committee quickly adjourned
the hearing and announced that there
would be a closed executive session in
an upstairs room.
Senator Seymour Thaler, who has
been long associated with hospital re
form, and who is himself a proponent
of the Cook bill, was furious with the
women. “What have you accomplished?”
he called out. “There are people here
who want to do something for you!”
“We’re tired of being done for! We
want to do, for a change!” one of the
women replied.
Upstairs, police barred the door, and
the women stood outside shouting, “We
are the experts!” Women’s Liberation
sent in a formal request to testify, and the
committee replied that two women might
speak after the other witnesses had fin
ished. The women were not satisfied (“It’s
a backofthebus compromise!” “They
just want to stall us till the newspaper
men go home”), but half a dozen mem
bers of Women’s Liberation decided to
stick it out. All of them were under thirty,
and half were married. Two had had il
legal abortions; one had had a child and
given it up for adoption; one had a friend
who had nearly died because she hesi
tated to go to the hospital after a badly
done sevenhundreddollar operation.
As it turned out, the women waited
for seven hours, sitting on the floor in
the corridor, because the authorities,
afraid of further disruption, would not
let them into the hearing room. Finally,
three women were permitted to speak.
They talked about their experiences and
demanded a public hearing that would
be devoted entirely to the expert testi
mony of women.
The legislators would not agree to
this. “Why do you assume we’re against
you?” one senator asked. “Four of the
witnesses were for repeal. They said the
same things you’ve been saying.”
“There’s a political problem you’re
overlooking,” said the last of the women
to speak. “In this society, there is an
imbalance in power between men and
women, just as there is between whites
and blacks. You and your experts may
have the right ideas, but you’re still men
talking to each other. We want to be
consulted. Even if we accepted your defi
nition of expert—and we don’t—couldn’t
you find any female doctors or lawyers?”
“I agree with you about the law,” Sen
ator Thaler said. “But you’re just acting
out your personal pique against men.”
“Not personal pique—political griev-
ance!” the final speaker replied.
“All I can say,” Senator Thaler de
clared, in conclusion, “is that you’re the
rudest bunch of people I’ve ever met.”
The meeting broke up, and everyone
began drifting out. “Well, we’re proba
bly the first women ever to talk about
our abortions in public,” one woman
said. “That’s something, anyway.”
—Ellen Willis
1
APRIL2, 2020
LORENABORJAS
L
orena Borjas had a wheelie bag, and
in the bag she had the world. The
first time Lynly Egyes met her, Bor
jas pulled a birth certificate out of the
bag. Egyes was then a lawyer with the
Sex Workers Project at the Urban Jus
tice Center and had recently taken the
case of a young immigrant transgen
der woman who was in jail, facing fel
ony assault charges for defending herself
against an attacker—an exceedingly com
mon predicament. “Lorena came into my
office and said, ‘I hear you need the birth
certificate for one of the girls,’” Egyes
told me on the phone. “I said, ‘Who are
you?’ ‘I am Lorena!’” Borjas also con
vinced Egyes to take on a second case
that stemmed from the same incident;
the proceedings dragged on for about a
year, with frequent court appearances.
Borjas always came to the hearings and
brought supporters. “She felt it was im
portant for the judge to see that these two
young women were loved,” Egyes said.
Borjas died on Monday, at Coney Is
land Hospital, in Brooklyn, of complica
tions from COVID19. She left an orphaned
community of transgender women, es
pecially Latina immigrant women in
Queens, and countless L.G.B.T.rights
activists who looked to her for guid
ance, inspiration, and love. About two
hundred and forty people gathered for
a memorial on Monday night, albeit via
Zoom, which added a layer of heart
break to the mourning of a person whose
legacy was one of building commu
nity, in the streets and in apartments in
her Jackson Heights neighborhood, and
of taking close, personal, physical care
of people.
Borjas was born in Veracruz, Mexico,
in 1960. At seventeen, she ran away to
Mexico City, where she lived in the streets.
At twenty, she crossed the border into
the United States, where she hoped she
would be able to receive hormone treat
ments. She made her way to New York
City, where she studied for her G.E.D.
and then studied accounting.
“Back then, the trans community
didn’t have spaces,” Cristina Herrera,
the C.E.O. and founder of the Trans
latinx Network, a group for transgen
der immigrants, told me on the phone.
“We met at Port Authority—that was
the main place, because you could stay
indoors.” Herrera, who is from El Sal
vador, came to New York in 1985, at the
age of fifteen, and met Borjas soon after.
“She was like the social worker in our
community,” Herrera said. “She was the
case worker.” Borjas guided other trans
and gay immigrants to the resources she