The Washington Post - USA (2020-08-02)

(Antfer) #1

C4 EZ RE THE WASHINGTON POST.SUNDAY, AUGUST 2 , 2020


BY MADELINE ROTHFIELD

F


our cans of black spray
paint abandoned in the
woods. That’s all it took to
completely reshape my
identity.
W hat marvelous possibilities
might have been contained in
those cans? Maybe they would
have been used by a Banksy-like
vigilante for social commentary;
maybe they would have been used
to touch up a community park
bench. Instead, they were used for
spreading hate.
You can read about my high
school, Glenelg, in The Post: In
the middle of the night in spring
2018, four senior boys graffitied
the school with swastikas, the
letters “KKK” and slurs about
Black, gay and Jewish people.
This hate crime reshaped my
identity as a Jewish woman by
exposing me to anti-Semitism
and reinforcing my advocacy for a
future of cultural freedom.
I learned a lesson that seems to
resonate more and more each day
as protesters all over the country
take to the streets for equality:
Don’t wait for hate to come to you
to stand against it.
As a kid, I never thought twice
about my multidenominational
upbringing. My mom was raised
in the Southern Baptist church,
and my dad is Jewish. I knew that
Mom loved Christmas and that
the season began the day after
Thanksgiving. With Dad, we
would light a menorah and eat
chocolate gelt. I understood that
other families in my community
didn’t celebrate Hanukkah, but
that never seemed significant to
me.
I never felt different as a kid.
But high school taught me that
being different makes you a tar-
get. In my sophomore year, a boy
I’d known for years threw a penny
across the room and yelled to a
fellow Jewish classmate, “Pick it
up. You’re a Jew, right?” The boy
laughed and complied, but when
our gazes met, his eyes weren’t
laughing. Anti-Semitic jokes and
insults were frequently directed
at me and the 30 other Jewish
kids at my school of a thousand. I
reasoned to myself that, in a rural
area like Glenelg, maybe these
kids hadn’t been raised to under-

stand diversity.
All that pent-up prejudice
came to a tipping point in the
spring of 2018. Black paint coated
the school with a thick layer of
hate. When I arrived at school
that day, I was confused by the
heavy police presence. Soon, im-
ages of the defacement plastered
social media, and students start-
ed calling their parents to come
pick them up.
I thought it was commonly
understood that the swastika rep-
resents the slaughter of millions
of my people and others under a
regime that defined them as sub-
human. My Polish ancestors died
in Auschwitz, so I knew better
than most people the implica-
tions of that symbol. For the first
time, I felt scared for my life
because of my identity. It had
never occurred to me that I could
be hated simply for being. I knew
that racists and neo-Nazis exist-
ed, but that was in some far-off
world that existed only online.
That day, that world knocked on
my front door.
What I learned that day is that I
cannot afford to hide my identity.
What we permit, we promote. If
bigots are not challenged when
they scorn the religion and eth-
nicity of others, their abhorrent
agenda will continue. I need to be
proud of who I am. That means no
more laughing at the jokes deliv-
ered at my expense, no more
shying f rom conversations about
identity and no more hiding. By
not standing up for myself, I am
agreeing tacitly that it is okay to
demean those who are different.
When I went home that day, I
turned on the news. That’s when I
noticed it. One of the swastikas
was painted backward. They had
inadvertently (and ironically)
painted a Buddhist symbol of
good fortune and well-being.
That black spray paint had acci-
dentally created something beau-
tiful. Instead of being a stain on
my community and dagger into
the soul of its people, in my eyes,
the symbol was transformed into
a hope for a better future if we all
take a stand against hate.

The writer, a recent graduate of
Glenelg High School in Howard
County, will be a freshman at Wake
Forest University this fall.

An act of hate a t my high


school helped me grow


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BY PETER GALUSZKA

A


fter years of struggle, the
Rev. Paul Wilson, a Bap-
tist pastor and funeral
home director who lives
near the historically African
American community of Union
Hill in rural Buckingham County,
could not believe the news on
July 5.
The Atlantic Coast Pipeline, an
$8 billion natural gas project led
by Richmond-based Dominion
Energy, had planned a noisy
natural gas compressor on 68
acres of land at Union Hill.
Pipeline partners had decided to
give up. “ ‘Happy’ is not the
proper word. I was more than
elated,” said Wilson, whose ef-
forts against the project meant
20 to 30 hours of work each
week.
Now that the 600-mile-long
pipeline is dead, killed by rising
costs and unresolved questions
about its market, plenty of Vir-
ginians are scratching their
heads wondering how the con-
troversial project, announced in
2014, got so far and lasted so
long. They are putting together a
list of what to change so it doesn’t
happen again.
What transpired was an en-
during marriage of interests. En-
vironmentalists opposed the
project’s degradation of air and

water and its contribution to
global warming. Homeowners,
including those at the affluent
Wintergreen ski and golf retreat
in Nelson County, fought expen-
sive legal battles after Dominion
and its partners, including North
Carolina’s Duke Energy and
Georgia’s Southern Company,
sued for eminent domain rights
to their land. Residents of Union
Hill, settled by formerly enslaved
people after the Civil War, were
bewildered that their cherished,
quiet community could morph
into a heavy industry site.
One target is the Federal Ener-
gy Regulatory Commission
(FERC), which approved the
pipeline.
Greg Buppert, a lawyer with
the Charlottesville-based South-
ern Environmental Law Center,
which led the legal fight, notes
that FERC does not consider
whether an entity seeking its
approval is in the public interest
or has a real market for its
products.
FERC requires a contract
showing that the energy such
projects provides has a buyer. In
the Atlantic Coast Pipeline case,
there was such a contract, but it
was between Dominion and
Duke and their own subsidiaries.
“This needs to be resolved,” Bup-
pert said.
FERC and other regulators

likewise consider projects with a
sense of tunnel vision. They de-
liberately do not consider similar
projects or the need for them in
the same area at the same time.
As the Atlantic Coast Pipeline
was under FERC consideration,
another natural gas project, the
Mountain Valley Pipeline, was
being planned in another part of
Virginia. “There is no holistic
approach,” Buppert said.
Survey rights and eminent do-
main are also big issues, said
Joseph T. Waldo, a Norfolk law-

yer and property rights expert.
Early in the Atlantic Coast Pipe-
line project, Dominion sent let-
ters to property owners asking
for permission to survey their
land.
If the owners declined, Do-
minion sued. It was able to do so
because former state Sen. Frank
Wagner, a Virginia Beach Repub-
lican who had accepted dona-
tions from Dominion, had suc-
cessfully moved to change state
law so that utilities could get
access to private land. “That

needs to be changed,” Waldo said.
And, all the groups say, the fix
seems to be in with state regula-
tors. In 2018, after two members
of the Air Pollution Control
Board questioned the project,
Gov. Ralph Northam (D) had
them replaced.
The opponents did effect some
changes. Chad Oba, a mental
health specialist in Union Hill
who co-founded the Friends of
Buckingham activist group, said
FERC had been able to proceed
with a project’s approval despite

outstanding permits, but no
more.
Her efforts show just how hard
organizing grass-roots activism
can be. She said that one August
day in 2014, a friend in neighbor-
ing Nelson County called her and
asked about the compressor
plant idea. She had not heard of
it, but Dominion had scheduled a
public meeting about it that very
same night. “We got a stand set
up outside,” she said.
But organizers faced consider-
able problems, such as the lack of
broadband, computer illiteracy
and the age and health of area
residents.
Eventually, such stubborn
work paid off. Project officials are
trying to find a way out. Domin-
ion Energy spokesman Aaron
Ruby said in an email that it is
trying to resolve about 80 con-
demnation lawsuits and make
good on promises to restore dis-
turbed land.
At Union Hill, hard feelings
linger with some residents who
wanted to settle with the Atlantic
Coast Pipeline. Wilson said he
resisted because it was the right
thing to do. “A sweet voice from
heaven told me we would win. I
didn’t know it would take six
years,” he said.

Peter Galuszka is a freelance writer
in Chesterfield, Va.

The lasting impact of a successful fight against a pipeline


NORM SHAFER FOR THE WASHINGTON POST
The route of the now-canceled Atlantic Coast Pipeline would have crossed the Appalachian Trail near
the Blue Ridge Parkway at Reeds Gap.

WILL NEWTON FOR THE WASHINGTON POST
Glenelg High School in Glenelg.

icon other than the Justice De-
partment building. He lost his life
for this country.
Because of its glorious past, and
now with majority owner Daniel
Snyder finally acquiescing to a
name change, many think a new
National Football League stadium
should replace our beloved RFK.
Some things are priceless, includ-
ing the memories made there. I
have mine. We all have them. But
sometimes you really can’t — or
shouldn’t — go home.
And the Washington football
team should not come home to
RFK Stadium.
Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton
(D-D.C.) and others in Congress
declared that the Washington pro-
fessional football team would not
be allowed to move to D.C. unless
the owners changed the team’s
name. The new name has yet to be
announced.

BY SKIP STROBEL

S


tatues are coming down
and names are being
changed around the coun-
try. At Robert F. Kennedy
Memorial Stadium, the monolith-
ic statue of George Preston Mar-
shall, founder of the Washington
professional football team and a
segregationist, was removed from
the main gate area of the stadium
and put into storage. The statue of
Washington Senators owner Clark
Calvin Griffith (another mono-
lith), who oversaw an unofficial
policy of segregation at Griffith
Stadium, awaits its fate at the
same location.
A s you face the stadium, Mar-
shall was on the right and Griffith
is still on the left. Sandwiched
between these two bigoted-book-
mark statues, is a third statue.
Well, it’s actually a bust, sitting
atop a slender pedestal, with the
humble inscription: Robert Fran-
cis Kennedy 1925-1968.
That name has been there since
1969, when the stadium formerly
known as the District of Columbia
Stadium was renamed by the fed-
eral government, to honor the late
attorney general, senator from
New York and humanitarian. The
bust and pedestal have been there
since June 7, 1969, when the stadi-
um was formally dedicated.
It has always bothered me, a
69-year-old n ative Washingto-
nian, that a football stadium was
the best the federal government
could come up with to pay tribute
to this great American and global

When the time comes to fully
reimagine this mammoth chunk
of concrete (already destined for
demolition by the end of 2021)
with its expansive parking lots, we
can do better than a football stadi-
um. D.C. residents and Events D.C.
have been working on alternatives
for years, through community
meetings, to make this 190-acre
site a vibrant destination that
serves all of D.C. and visitors to the
nation’s capital.
Kennedy was first a dreamer.
He was fond of reciting a line that
he attributed to George Bernard
Shaw: “ Some men see things as
they are and say, why?; I dream
things that never were and say,
why not?” Though he was born
into a family of wealth and fame,
he managed to connect, in a very
personal way, with the common
man and with those in our country
and around the world who needed
a helping hand. His travels to see
the plight of Americans in Appala-
chia, Mississippi, Bedford-Stuyve-
sant and other places show his
empathy. He was good friends
with César Chávez, breaking
bread with him once to end a fast.
Service to country is a Kennedy
family mantra. Bobby Kennedy
served in the Navy and federal
government, was an elected sena-
tor and a presidential candidate.
He was an outspoken defender of
equal justice and equality for all
people.
His metamorphosis after the
assassination of his brother, Presi-
dent John F. Kennedy, showed a
man of compassion who struggled

with how to welcome changes that
would better all of mankind.
The Kennedy family’s love for
the sea is well known. Robert Ken-
nedy was concerned about popu-
lation growth and environmental
pollution, knowing that advanced
technology could be good only if it
benefited everyone and was moni-
tored closely. (We could learn this
lesson today.)
Kennedy was a man before his
time and yet of his time. Sadly,
many of the issues from his time
are still with us today.
I would like to see a more fitting
memorial to this man who gave so
much. Something other than a
football stadium, something that
reflects who he was and what he
stood for. Something we all can
appreciate and enjoy.
Mixed-income and affordable
housing, multipurpose playing
fields (already completed), retail
space for a grocery store and other
shops, parkland along the Anacos-
tia River, a research center for
Kennedy and other amenities that
can be used all year long are some
of the ideas put forth by D.C. resi-
dents for the site.
I will be in the streets of D.C.,
with my own fliers, posters and
buttons, trying to convince D.C.
residents and D.C. government of-
ficials that much more can be
done with this land that is so
important to this part of town and
the city as a whole than another
football stadium.

The writer is a longtime
Washingtonian.

Robert Kennedy deserves better


than just another football stadium


JONATHAN NEWTON/THE WASHINGTON POST
RFK Stadium in D.C.

JONATHAN NEWTON/THE WASHINGTON POST
A bust of Robert F. Kennedy
at RFK Stadium in D.C.
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