The Economist - USA (2020-08-01)

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12 The EconomistAugust 1st 2020


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Liberalism and race
The Economistmissed the point
about the Black Lives Matter
movement (“The new ideology
of race,” July 11th). You praised
Martin Luther King’s “vigorous
protest and relentless argu-
ment”, but criticised the meth-
ods of today’s activists as “dan-
gerous”, contending that they
seek to impose their ideology
“through intimidation and
power”. King may have taken
issue with your position. In his
“Letter from Birmingham Jail”,
written in 1963, King wrote:
I must confess that over the
past few years I have been
gravely disappointed with the
white moderate...who is more
devoted to “order” than to
justice; who prefers a negative
peace which is the absence of
tension to a positive peace
which is the presence of
justice; who constantly says “I
agree with you in the goal you
seek, but I can’t agree with
your methods of direct action”;
who paternalistically feels he
can set the timetable for anoth-
er man’s freedom; who lives by
the myth of time and who
constantly advises the Negro to
wait until a “more convenient
season”.
While today’s activists should
be open to constructive
criticism, this is not the most
important issue at hand. The
Economist’s line makes clear
that it is more interested in
maintaining comfort and
economic stability rather than
achieving change. Its words
perpetuate white complacency.
griffin congdon
New Haven, Connecticut

Your leader dripped with estab-
lishment anxiety over the
growing influence of Black
Lives Matter and the broader
progressive movement. It
reeked of the classic “you-
can’t-say-anything-these-
days” terror that radiates off
those whose intellectual
authority is being challenged.
Rashad Robinson, president of
Colour of Change, perfectly
summarises this type of mis-
calculation: “Far too often we
mistake presence, visibility
and awareness for power.”
Disappointingly, The Economist
fell into this trap, equating the

visibility of anti-racist voices
in the virtual public sphere
with the economic, political
and judicial heft of the systems
they seek to reform, dismantle
and democratise. This false
equivalence would be laugh-
able if it wasn’t so insulting.
a. mensah
London

Although liberalism has given
the world theoretically
unassailable values such as
free speech, it has not been as
successful dealing with perva-
sive social problems. The
liberal “state of nature” and
“veil of ignorance” imagine a
society untarnished by
politics. Thomas Hobbes, John
Locke, and even John Rawls
claimed to have established
that the equality of mankind
was determined by our fear of
slaughtering each other, God,
or rationality.
No one who studies politi-
cal philosophy takes this exer-
cise in apolitical history at face
value. Their conclusions about
government are based on a
flawed assumption that
humans once lived without
politics. Social order has
always existed, and therefore,
so has politics. The assertion
that “all men are created equal”
is based on Enlightenment
principles that were primarily
created to check the power of
government and protect prop-
erty rights. The pursuit of these
goals made it possible to ig-
nore social inequality in gen-
eral and allowed for the hypoc-
risy of most of the Founding
Fathers owning slaves.
As you pointed out, liberal
thinkers have always struggled
with conceptualising unequal
power relationships among
groups. Critical theorists, their
roots based in Marxism, inev-
itably face similar challenges
when arguments are premised
on simplified assumptions. If
racism and discrimination are
systemic, where do they
originate from? Why do they
persist, even if no one at an
institution holds racist beliefs?
And, hardest of all, what about
individual rights?
However, it is liberalism
that has had centuries to deal
with prejudice and the social

ills it produces. Thus far, the
solutions it has offered are
inadequate.
heather katz
Assistant professor of political
science
Southwestern Oklahoma State
University
Weatherford, Oklahoma

In “Who We Are and How We
Got Here”, David Reich, a
population geneticist, related
the story of how a piece of his
research that identified genetic
variants associated with an
elevated risk of prostate cancer
among men of west African
descent led to accusations
from some of his colleagues
that he was “flirting with
racism”. Critical race theory
does not allow for the pos-
sibility that racial disparities in
health could be caused by
something other than systemic
racism. If accepted, its as-
sumptions make it nearly
impossible to eliminate any
racial disparities that have
other causes, because the type
of intervention required to
address a disparity depends on
what the disparity is caused by.
jonathan kane
Flat Rock, North Carolina

You made a good case for a
genuinely liberal approach to
race, at a time when the mod-
ern left has forgotten what a
truly liberal society is. You see
what we all see: intellectual
rigidity and intolerance of
dissent, the fomenting of
division, racial obsession
replacing colour-blind equali-
ty of opportunity, identity
politics taking priority over the
rights of the individual, all the
marks of an authoritarian
society, not a liberal one.
Donald Trump’s speech at
Mount Rushmore was an
attempt to address this issue.
You say his speech strived “to
inflame a culture war centred
on race”, when in fact he was
expressing the very concerns
you share.
steven van dyck
Toronto

Congratulations on having the
courage to challenge the
intellectual hogwash that is the
new race and identity politics.

Prejudice based on skin colour
is among the idiotic of all
prejudices and it must be
challenged. But to go from
there to the construction of a
Marxist-derived analysis, this
time with “white people” as the
new group to hate instead of
the “bourgeoisie”, is nonsense
on stilts. Its intellectual
dishonesty is imbued with a
Manichean worldview and
totalitarian instincts. George
Orwell would recognise all the
newly woke, self-haters of the
academic and cultural elite,
who have meekly caved-in to
show trial by Twitter.
simon diggins
Rickmansworth, Hertfordshire

The hard part of resolving
America’s racial economic gap
starts with facing the actual
history of our country. When I
attended high school in Cali-
fornia in the 1980s, I learned
nothing of the lynchings in the
post-Reconstruction era, nor
of the Tulsa massacre or other
white riots, nor the redlining
that prevented black Ameri-
cans from building home
equity. White Americans need
to fully reckon with this betray-
al of their fellow citizens.
mark seaman
New York

One cannot easily shake off
unwanted associations with
partners picked up during a
prolonged binge. As you made
quite clear, liberalism awoke to
find itself in bed with
slave-traders and unbridled
imperialists. Singing its
prelapsarian virtues now,
however sweet the tune, will
not readily assuage the critics.
matthew kapstein
Director of studies, emeritus
Practical School of Advanced
Studies
Paris

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