The Times - UK (2020-09-05)

(Antfer) #1

Land of hope and


inglorious regret


Ben Macintyre


Page 33


sector corporations alike, take fright
and panic.
Great newspapers — institutions
too — are not immune to this
confidence-sapping virus. Some risk
ancient reputations in the search for
online clicks, as has the BBC news
website. Dispensing with editorial
judgment in pursuit of mere traffic
betrays an institution’s failure of

confidence in us, its customers,
whom in a less jittery age it thought
it knew. Media companies lose their
nerve, deferring to what the data
says, wrongly, about us. Collapse in
internal self-belief is as much a cause
of shakiness in our institutions as an
external attack.
I’m far from saying that reformist
assaults upon our institutions haven’t
forever been with us, or shouldn’t
be. We will always rail against
committees, protocol and fustiness,
the stick-in-the-muds and
bells-and-whistles of venerable
institutions. This is healthy. But if a
balance is to be struck between
critical vigilance and a near-anarchic
destructiveness, then there needs to

be pushback. The party of which I
was a member used to provide it. It
was called the Conservative Party.
We knew the value of dragging our
feet. Today, I almost feel the Tories
are on the side of the wreckers.
There’s a war on. The
pandemic threatens. Our
economy staggers. Unemployment
rises. The whole international
order is under siege from the
Putins, Xis and Trumps of this
world. Not disruption but protection,
not upheaval but steadiness, not the
sweeping aside but continuity: this
should be the call: the call of the
known, the tried and tested, the
familiar. Conservatives, of all
people, should hear it.

We’re turning into a nation of wreckers


Attacks on the great institutions that have shaped Britain show how badly the Tories, and others, have lost their way


ALAMY

unvarnished harangues skip the post
box and the PA and are delivered
straight into the chief executive’s
hand. In my experience, people at
the top are unprofessionally
neuralgic about complaints that
come to them direct, forgetting that
silence from most may mean most
are content. Chief executives’ phones,
like ours, make the professional
personal. By letting so much coalesce
in one device, we have stripped back
barriers that gave pause for thought,
or let tempers cool, or took away the
private edge. The mob isn’t at the
chief executive’s door. It’s just in his
pocket. Public-facing executives, in
national institutions and private-

Our planning laws have helped to
preserve Britain’s unique landscape

achieved. Of course reviews and
reform are needed but voices in
government today almost hint that
all planning constraint is regrettable.
I know from living in a national park
that constraint can be life-enhancing.
Then there’s the constitution. Our
Union faces appalling strains already,
and to talk as if the casual loss of
Scotland or Northern Ireland would

be just a bit of collateral damage in
the Brexit wars is horrifying. At the
other end of the scale are institutions
outside government but which
government should see as part of our
national life. British Airways was
bound to take a hit from the
pandemic but are we just going to
shrug and let it go? The National
Trust has been badly shaken by
outside attack.
I must not blame politicians alone.
I could include newspaper
columnists. We love tilting at things.
But the critics of our institutions
ought to be terriers yapping at the
heels of lumbering giants. Often it
now feels as though the giants have
fallen and it is the jugular for which

mastiffs are aiming. Likewise the
Black Lives Matter movement should
aim to correct and critique, not
destroy, and should never forget
what a great, free and civilised
country we live in: here, and in the
United States too. The national
motto of the Republic of Colombia is
Libertad y Orden — Liberty, but
Order too. At its heart must stand
institutions, procedures, structures
and — yes — bureaucracy. These
should not be dirty words.
I’ve mentioned the confusion,
bordering on self-dislike, in private
and public institutions. Some of this
must be traceable to social media. In
the past complaints were stopped at
the door. There were filters. Now

T


here’s one passage I’ve
never forgotten in Robert

Bolt’s play A Man For All
Seasons, about the
martyrdom of Henry VIII’s
lord chancellor, Sir Thomas More.
More confronts his future son-in-law,
Will Roper, who has suggested he’d
“cut down every law in England to
get after the Devil”.
“Oh? And when the last law was
down, and the Devil turned round
on you — where would you hide,
Roper, the laws all being flat?...
D’you really think you could stand
upright in the winds that would
blow then?”
There’s something in the wind
today, something poisonous; and
though it’s hard to put a finger on, I
think it matters. We seem to have

entered an era of popular hostility to
accepted and familiar institutions.
Our leaders wish not to preserve but
to destroy. This is dangerous.
“Disruption” has become the
mantra. “Change” and “reform” are
thought good in themselves. Apple
carts must be upset, established rules
and structures of governance
“challenged”, trusted brands trashed.
There’s a fine line between usefully
critical vigilance over institutions we
cherish, and a habit of scorn towards
the organisations and systems that
time has shaped and which, over
time, have shaped us. I fear we’re
crossing that line.
Take Roper’s frustration with being
tripped up by the law as he chases

the Devil. A case can be made for
trimming back legal aid, or resisting
the advance of the Supreme Court
and judicial review as brakes on the
exuberance of politicians. But if we
don’t start from the massive respect
for the rule of law that (though she
was often impatient) Margaret
Thatcher always showed, then we
risk disaster. Few can have missed

the dog-whistles of Conservative
politicians all but condemning judges
as enemies of the people.
Yes, Minister was Thatcher’s
favourite TV satire. She found the
Sir Humphreys of the Whitehall
mandarinate maddening, as would
any prime minister restless for
action. But there was also deference:
a clear understanding that
Westminster and Whitehall are great
and permanent estates. I don’t hear
that respect today, as politicians and
their media claque routinely refer to
the civil service as some kind of fifth
column to be subdued, broken.
I detect a similarly threatening
attitude to the BBC. God knows

the corporation can infuriate but
when we’re cross, it should be
because we love and feel proud of a
corporation that’s a model to the
whole world’s media.
The same is true of the fabric of
our planning laws and procedures.
Labour’s 1947 Town and Country
Planning Act laid the foundations for
the way we shape our urban and
rural landscapes, and I return from
driving across the Continent with a
renewed sense of what Britain has

The global order is


under siege from the


Putins of this world


Matthew


Parris


Comment


Steer well


clear of the


backseat


non-driver


B


ackseat drivers are obviously
a pestilence. “Whoah! Watch
that car. Oh, you’d seen it.

You go the long way, do you?
Hmm. Mind that cat! Sorry,
was I pressing my imaginary brake
pedal?” But until recently I hadn’t
noticed how much more irritating is
the backseat non-driver. The BND is
extra tiresome because having not
learnt to drive, which where I come
from is like not having learnt to read,
they lack the weary hyper-awareness
of the seasoned driver. They are the
carefree child to your frazzled,
responsible adult. “Here’s a parking

space!” the BND gestured blithely
after ten minutes of wretched
searching. It was a 4ft gap on a
yellow line into which you could
barely have fitted Noddy’s
pedal car.
A study found that more
than half of non-drivers
don’t know what reverse
lights mean. Or stopping
distance. “Just drop me
here,” shrieked my BND
with three seconds’ notice
on a dual-carriageway with
nowhere to pull in.

Look, I know cars are
filthy and we should walk
more. I admire those who
don’t have them for
eco-reasons. Except for when
they frequently accept lifts
from those who do while
virtue signalling. “Still
using unleaded? Blimey. If
I had a car, which I never
would obviously, I’d get electric.
Yes, just keep going, I live ten
minutes up here. Well, ten

Gravely disrespectful


O


utrage has greeted an
escalation in people having
sex in the graveyard of a
6th-century Torquay church and
sunbathing nude “in broad daylight”.
Though how you sunbathe in
darkness is unclear.
Some claim there’s a gothic thrill
in performing life-affirming coitus in
such close proximity to death; two
fingers to the Grim Reaper etc.
Perhaps. But when I was young I
knew people who would regularly

traipse off for churchyard sex for
two simple reasons: privacy and
plenty of flat surfaces. Disrespectful,
but there we are.
Now, with so many adults still
living with parents, maybe it’s one
place where the occupants won’t
overhear you and bang on the
wall. And, at least in the Covid era,
you are guaranteed that everyone
remains 6ft apart.

minutes-ish. What was I was
saying? Oh yes, why does any
fool have a car any more?”

So long, Trev


I


s your name
Trevor?
Commiserations.
Only 11 babies took
your name last year.
It could be worse. The
Office for National
Statistics reported a
mere seven Susans
and, sigh, three Carols.

Three! Why so many?
Pity those bairns given
the lumpen cardigan in
life’s naming lottery.
And who can we thank
for the demise of dowdy
names like mine? The
likes of Ed Sheeran,
that’s who. His new
baby is called Lyra Antarctica
Seaborn Sheeran. In fairness, I
imagine when fellow celebs have
named their children Moon Unit

(Frank Zappa) Bear Blaze (Kate
Winslet) and X AEA-Xii (Elon Musk)
it feels a poor effort to call yours
“Janet”. Meanwhile Susans, Trevors,
Brendas and Colins have become
ironic names for pets. Trevor, I must
admit, is an excellent name for a dog.

Right-on, or just right?


I


have been laughing at the hoo-ha
over “left-wing comedy” at the
BBC, which, funnily enough, is
more than I ever do at Radio 4
comedy. Man, some of that stuff is
lame. The problem isn’t being “left

wing”, it’s being smug. Remember
Bernard Right-on, John Thomson’s
clever parody of Bernard Manning?
He would make a politically correct
statement his anti-punchline.
Comedians tend to rage against
whoever is in power. Except, do
they? In the 1970s and 1980s what
did Bob Monkhouse, Kenny Everett,
Ken Dodd, Eric Morecambe and
the greatest of all, Les Dawson,
have in common? They were all
fans of the Tory party.

y P t l A t b i


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the times | Saturday September 5 2020 1GM 27

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