The New York Review of Books - USA (2020-09-24)

(Antfer) #1

70 The New York Review


Castro: “I listened to the aging leader
in his baseball jacket for three hours,”
Garbus writes. “He knew the case thor-
oughly.... ‘I will take care of the poli-
ticians,’ Castro said. ‘You take care of
the law.’”
Garbus was amazed by the courage
and composure of Hernández, who had
not given in to the tremendous pres-
sures of solitary confinement:

Gerardo was singled out for partic-
ularly brutal treatment: as the only
one of the five who had contact with
Havana prior to their arrest, offi-
cials apparently believed he could
testify against Havana officials who
ordered the shoot down and impli-
cate Fidel and Raúl Castro.

The lawyer established a personal bond
with his defendant: “I was struck by his
quiet dignity and self-respect in the face
of unspeakable circumstances... A per-
fect example of Hemingway’s definition
of courage as grace under pressure.”

Garbus comes off as a trustworthy
guide to the Cuban Five Case. I find his
recapitulation of the evidence honest
and his motivations for writing North
of Havana well intended, as he clearly
wanted to leave a testimony of this
unique case in the history of American
jurisprudence. Besides, the author is
clearly fascinated by the story he tells:
“It is, by turns, a spy story, a love story,
a portrait of a man who couldn’t be
broken, a tale of international intrigue,
and a legal thriller with several aston-
ishing surprises.”
In December 2009 a sixty-year-old
US government contractor named Alan
Gross was arrested in Havana and sen-
tenced to fifteen years in prison for espi-
onage. “Finally, finally,” Garbus writes,
“the Cuban Five got lucky. Very lucky.”
Gross had previously been a govern-
ment contractor with USAID in Iraq. In
2009 he decided to travel to Cuba and
established contact with the remnants of
its once- flourishing Jewish community,
which now included about 1,500 people.
His declared intention was to improve
overseas communication by providing
Cuban Jews with better Internet access
than they were receiving from the state.
Alarcón claimed that Gross was
“contracted to work for American in-
telligence services,” which Gross ve-
hemently denied: he said he was just
providing satellite telephones, comput-
ers, and external hard drives. He said
USAID never informed him that his
activities were illegal under Cuban law
(and he later sued the agency).
According to the Cubans, Gross was
looking to instigate a coup, by, in the
jargon of revolutionary propaganda,
undertaking a “subversive project of
the US government that aimed to de-
stroy the Revolution through the use
of communication systems out of the
control of authorities.” The Cubans
claimed that USAID was a CIA front
and Gross a spy. Some say that the
American—who lost a hundred pounds
during the five years he spent in jail—
had always been seen by the Cubans as

a token to be exchanged for their own
imprisoned agents. “The Cuban regime
is obviously looking for some kind
of US concession, callously using the
contractor as a bargaining chip,” said
Representative Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, a
Republican member of the House For-
eign Affairs Committee from Florida,
in 2010. The US continued to deny that
Gross was an intelligence agent. After
intense and secret negotiations that in-
cluded the mediation of the Vatican,
the parties agreed to exchange Gross
for the three Wasp Network agents who
were still imprisoned. (René González
had been freed in October 2011, and
Fernando González in February 2014;
in Cuba, both were received as heroes.)
On December 18, 2014, a photo of
the freed Cubans was printed on the
front page of Granma, the official
newspaper of the Central Committee of
the Cuban Communist Party, with the
banner headline “¡Volvieron!” (“They
Have Returned!”) Below it, there was
a photo of Raúl Castro and Barack
Obama during their historic speeches in
Havana announcing a reestablishment
of diplomatic ties between the two coun-
tries. The message was that Cuba was
more interested in the return of the spies
than the historic visit of an American
president, the first in eighty-eight years.
Havana cheered. The Five had returned
from the “entrañas del monstruo,” the
entrails of the monster—which is how
the United States is referred to in the
official discourse of the island.
During the official celebrations with
the Cuban agents upon their return,
Adriana Hernández, Gerardo Hernán-
dez’s wife, was in the late stages of a
pregnancy. Before Gerardo was re-
leased, the Obama administration, in
an unusual gesture of goodwill, had
allowed an artificial insemination pro-
cedure so that the couple could have
a baby. Journalists referred to it as
“sperm diplomacy.”
Today the Five are part of civilian life
and hold public office within the Cuban
nomenklatura: Hernández is the vice-di-
rector of the Higher Institute of Inter-
national Relations. They have become
celebrities. They travel around the world,
and Cuban children recognize them in
public and take photos with them. Be-
sides Garbus’s meticulous and fasci-
nating account, two other worthy books
have addressed the spies and their trial:
What Lies Across the Water: The Real
Story of the Cuban Five by the Canadian
journalist Stephen Kimber (2013) and
The Last Soldiers of the Cold War: The
Story of the Cuban Five by the Brazilian
journalist Fernando Morais (2011) and
translated into English by Robert Bal-
lantyne and Alex Olegnowicz in 2015.
Morais’s book is the basis for Wasp Net-
work, a feature film directed by Olivier
Assayas and starring Gael García Bernal
and Penélope Cruz that was screened at
international film festivals in 2019 and
acquired by Netflix earlier this year.
The Cuban Five have now been immor-
talized in a movie, the ultimate conse-
cration for the accused spies the Castro
regime turned into heroes. Q
—Translated from the Spanish
by Regina Galasso

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