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conducive to generalized prosociality. In a
series of cross-cultural studies, Henrich and
his colleagues uncovered less prosocial behav-
ior in small-scale societies based on kinship
networks than in market-integrated socie-
ties in which strangers regularly engage in
mutually beneficial transactions. In their
words,“The more frequently people experi-
ence market transactions, the more they will
also experience abstract sharing principles
concerning behaviors toward strangers”[( 6 ),
p. 76)]. Market integration not only fosters
prosociality toward unknown others; it can
also shift boundaries to include noncoeth-
nics. In a nationwide field experiment in Italy,
market integration explained variation in
prosocial behavior toward both natives and
immigrants ( 7 ). Similar effects are imputed to
globalization, understood as greater world-
wide connectedness ( 49 ).
Workplaces, more than homes or neighbor-
hoods, may be crucial for fostering the type of
prosociality that holds modern societies to-
gether. Minorities’and immigrants’positions
in the productive system and their prospects
for social mobility—including employment op-
portunities in complementary sectors, and
a legal regime that protects their rights as
workers—are therefore important not only
for their own material success but for society
as a whole. The economic integration of mi-
norities and immigrants also determines the
extent to which they come to identify with
mainstream society ( 50 ).
Most economic exchanges—for example,
hiring someone or renting an apartment from
them—are strategic in nature, in the sense
that a person’s behavior is affected by their
expectations of the alter.Thesetypesofinter-
action entail risk and uncertainty because
people have to overcome difficulties related
to coordination, lack of information, and mis-
trust. Cooperative and prosocial behavior in
these settings may still be affected by in-group
favoritism but are also based on consider-
ations that go beyond whether an ego likes or
dislikes the alter, to encompass the alter’s
trustworthiness, competence, and reputation
( 40 ). This calls for a deeper understanding
of intergroup dynamics, and the institutional
arrangements, that favor prosocial outcomes
in the context of strategic interactions. Some
field experimental work has made progress in
this direction; for example, in a study of pub-
licgoodsprovisionindiverseUgandanneigh-
borhoods, Habyarimana and colleagues used
behavioral games to disentangle the various
motives and mechanisms that bring about
collective action in multiethnic contexts ( 2 ).
Although they did not find evidence of ethnic
favoritism, they found that the reciprocity
norms and sanctioning opportunities that fa-
cilitate cooperation in risky interactions are
stronger among coethnics than noncoethnics.


Market integration enhances opportuni-
ties for productive interactions across group
boundaries. Additionally, the strategic nature
of economic exchanges elicits decision-making
processes that go beyond in-group favoritism,
therefore providing new venues for institu-
tional intervention.

Conclusion
We can approach ethnic diversity through the
lens of lost homogeneity. From this perspec-
tive, we understand that members of the white
majority tend to react negatively to the growth
of immigrants and minorities in their com-
munities. However, it would be premature to
conclude that diversity ordiversificationper
se are to blame for declining levels of trust and
cooperation. In the Western European and
North American context, diversity is synon-
ymous with immigrant and minority share
and economic disadvantage, and statistical
attempts at disentangling their effects will
not get us very far.
Beyond questioning the effects of ethnic di-
versity, scholars should develop a theory of
social cohesion in multiethnic societies that
considers intergroup dynamics, social cleav-
ages, and asymmetries in resources and power.
Crucial to this effort is understanding the con-
ditions under which prosocial behavior extends
beyond close-knit networks and the safe con-
fines of the in-group. Here, we have high-
lighted two features of modern societies, social
differentiation and economic interdependence,
that set the stage for generalized prosociality
to develop. We argue that, in contrast with the
in-group solidarity that glues homogeneous
communities together, prosociality in heter-
ogeneous societies likely derives from posi-
tive experiences in the context of strategic
interactions. Further research is needed on
the mechanisms and institutional arrange-
ments that foster this higher-level form of
cooperation.
The experience of immigrants and minori-
ties is instructive regarding the conditions and
institutions that facilitate integration and mo-
bility in Western societies. Of primary im-
portance are employment opportunities in
mainstream labor markets, especially under
conditions of economicexpansion, along with
legal and political inclusion. Regrettably, it
is precisely these conditions that are in short
supply in a historical moment characterized
bytheriseofright-wingmovements,aneco-
nomic recession induced by a global pandemic,
and long-standing institutional practices,
such as those of law enforcement, that deepen
the divides between ethnoracial groups. Wheth-
er societal adaptation to diversity moves toward
integration or social division depends as much
on microinteractions on the ground as on the
economic and political institutions that gov-
ern these processes.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors thank B. Park for work on the figures and the referees for
helpful comments.Funding:D.B. acknowledges support from the
European Research Council (639284) and M.A. from the National
Science Foundation (1845177).Author contributions:D.B. and M.A.
wrote the Review.Competing interests:The authors have no
competing interests.Data and materials availability:Data for Fig. 1A
came from the United Nations Population Division and are available at
https://migrationdataportal.org/?i=stock_abs_&t=2015. Data for Fig.
1B were collected by L. Drazanova and posted ( 51 ).
10.1126/science.abb2432

Baldassarriet al.,Science 369 , 1183–1187 (2020) 4 September 2020 5of5


DEMOCRACY IN THE BALANCE
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