The New York Times - USA (2020-10-17)

(Antfer) #1

A8 SATURDAY, OCTOBER 17, 2020


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PARIS — A knife-wielding man decap-
itated a teacher near a school in a suburb
north of Paris on Friday afternoon and
was later shot dead by the police, offi-
cials said, abruptly hitting France with a
national trauma that revived memories
of recent terrorist attacks.
A police officer and parents with
knowledge of the attack confirmed
French media reports that the victim
was a history teacher at the school who
had shown caricatures of the Prophet
Muhammad in a class on freedom of ex-
pression, which had incited anger among
some Muslim families.
The teacher, still unidentified by Fri-
day evening, was immediately depicted
as a martyr to freedom of expression
across the political spectrum. And Presi-
dent Emmanuel Macron hurried to the
scene of the attack Friday night.
“This was an attempt to strike down
the republic,” Mr. Macron said.
Seizing on the symbolic nature of an
attack against a high school teacher, and
reprising anti-Islamist themes he has
lately emphasized, Mr. Macron said the
teacher had been “the victim of a terror-
ist, Islamist attack.”
France’s antiterrorism prosecutors
immediately took over the investigation
of the attack, which happened at the
junction of two adjoining Paris suburbs,
Eragny and Conflans-Sainte-Honorine.
Much remained obscure Friday night
in the absence of an official police narra-
tive. But the underlying themes of what
was known conjured up France’s recent
history of terrorist attacks: an assailant
carefully choosing a victim thought to
symbolize an offense against Islam.
In a video that widely circulated on
YouTube before the attack, a Muslim par-
ent at the teacher’s school, College du
Bois-d’Aulne,expresses anger that an
unidentified teacher had asked Muslims
in the class of 13-year-olds to leave be-
cause “he was going to show a photo that
would shock them.”
The assailant is not known to have a
connection to the school. French media
reported that he was 18 and of Russian
origin.
A police union official told the French
television station BFM that witnesses
had seen the assailant cutting the vic-
tim’s throat. The national police were
called, officials said, and after having dis-
covered the decapitated victim, con-
fronted the assailant nearby, close to the
school. Brandishing a large knife, he
threatened the officers, and after refus-
ing to surrender, was shot 10 times, they
said.
French officials of all political stripes
rushed to denounce the teacher’s killing.
“The assassination of a history
teacher is an attack on freedom of ex-

pression and the values of the republic,”
the president of the National Assembly,
Richard Ferrand, said on Twitter. “To at-
tack a teacher is to attack all French citi-
zens and freedom.”
In the video, the parent details what
his daughter told him had transpired in
the class.
“So this week, he allowed himself to
tell them, the Muslims, Muslim students
raise your hands,” the parent says. “So
they raised their hands, and he said,
‘right, leave the class.’ So my daughter
refused to leave and asked him, ‘Why?’
And he said he was going to show a photo
that would shock them. And then he
showed them a naked man, telling them
it was the prophet.”
Another parent, Carine Mendes, 41,
whose child had attended the class, of-
fered a more nuanced view of what hap-
pened.
Ms. Mendes said the teacher had sug-
gested to Muslim students who did not
want to see the cartoon that they leave
the classroom temporarily, and had
asked those who remained not to tell
their Muslim classmates about the car-
toon in order not to offend their faith.
“He really tried to do things with re-
spect, he didn’t want to hurt anyone,” she
said.
But in a second class where the
teacher gave the course, a shocked stu-
dent refused to leave the room and told
her father about what happened. He was
the father who later complained in the
video posted online.
“A teacher was killed just for doing his
job,” Sophie Venetitay, a teachers’ union
official, told BFM.

Man Kills Teacher


In Paris Suburb,


Decapitating Him


Police Officers Kill


Knife-Wielding Suspect


By ADAM NOSSITER

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10 MILES 1 LES

HONG KONG — It was a classic scene
from the Chinese Communist Party’s
repertoire: A high-ranking official de-
scended on the home of a poor, patriotic
worker, bearing gifts and wishes for a
happy National Day, receiving declara-
tions of gratitude and loyalty in return.
But the visit this month did not take
place in a hardscrabble village in main-
land China, where officials often make
such scripted trips to show their bond
with the masses. It played out in Hong
Kong, the semiautonomous region
where such overt displays by the Com-
munist Party apparatus were once rare.
The much-publicized meeting carried
a clear message, made all the more po-
tent since China imposed a new national
security law in Hong Kong this summer.
The days of the central government ex-
ercising its will behind the scenes are
over. Now, it will rule Hong Kong increas-
ingly in the open.
“Hong Kong’s responsibility to the na-
tion should be emphasized more than
ever,” Luo Huining, Beijing’s top official
in Hong Kong, who leads the Liaison Of-
fice of the Central People’s Government,
said in a speech a day before his visit.
“Loving our country is an obligation and
a righteous path rather than a choice.”
For Hong Kong, the shift to more di-
rect management by Beijing is a drastic
change. The Communist Party for dec-
ades allowed the former British colony to
be steered by its proxies in the civil serv-
ice and the business elite.
For Beijing, subduing Hong Kong is
seen as fundamental to broader national
control. China’s top leader, Xi Jinping, is
intent on extending party dominance
across the entire country, especially in
Hong Kong, an enclave of resistance that
erupted in protest last year.
At the heart of Beijing’s new drive for
control is the liaison office, its official
arm in Hong Kong.
Historically, the office kept a low pro-
file, serving — as its name implies — as a
go-between, shuttling messages and de-
mands between top Chinese officials and
the Hong Kong authorities. But in recent
months, the office has started regularly
blaring orders and warnings that under-
score its newly elevated role.
The liaison office accused a professor
of instigating an anti-party insurrection.
It demanded that pro-democracy poli-
ticians cancel informal primary elec-
tions. It warned Hong Kong teachers to
make sure their students are immersed
in patriotic Chinese values.
On Monday, two days before Hong
Kong’s chief executive, Carrie Lam, was
set to deliver her annual policy address,
she abruptly announced a postponement
until she could consult top Chinese lead-
ers about her proposals. She said she
would travel to Beijing to “personally ex-
plain why these measures are impor-
tant.”
Many of Hong Kong’s traditional
power brokers appear resigned to the


new reality.
“It has become one-way traffic,” said
James Tien, a former pro-Beijing law-
maker and influential magnate.
The liaison office was born in secrecy,
posing during the British colonial era as
an outlet of China’s main news agency.
When Hong Kong returned to Chinese
sovereignty in 1997, China’s rulers were
eager to harness the commercial energy
of Hong Kong and to learn from its busi-
ness leaders — and the office operated in
the background.
“Hong Kong people governing Hong
Kong” was the mantra.
But in recent years, central leaders ap-
peared to lose faith in that hands-off ar-
rangement, especially as demonstra-
tions convulsed the city.
Beijing pushed through the security
law with little input from Hong Kong. It
gave local leaders, including Mrs. Lam,
little advance notice.
“They learned from our bitter experi-
ence,” said Regina Ip, a member of Mrs.
Lam’s cabinet, referring to a Hong Kong
government effort she led in 2003 to en-
act similar legislation, which was de-
railed by popular opposition. “What’s the
point of consultation?”
The law allows China’s security agen-
cies to set up offices and operate openly
in Hong Kong, and a mainland official
heads a new national security office. Mr.
Luo, the liaison office head, is also the na-
tional security adviser.
Mr. Luo, who was appointed in Janu-
ary, embodies the central government’s
push for tighter control. While Beijing’s
previous top officials had spent consider-

able time in the city before getting pro-
moted, Mr. Luo had minimal experience
there.
There is little evidence that Mr. Luo
speaks much Cantonese, the local Chi-
nese language, and he has kept his dis-
tance from the city’s elite. Mr. Luo rarely
meets with pro-Beijing lawmakers, leav-
ing such talks to his deputy, said Mrs. Ip.
What he does have is the trust of Mr.
Xi, who appears to favor Mr. Luo as a pro-
vincial official with a specialty in clean-
ing up unruly provinces and wayward
cadres.
Mr. Luo rose through the party ranks
in Anhui, a rural, inland province. When
he was transferred to Qinghai Province,
he pressed forward efforts to absorb the
large Tibetan minority into China’s main-
stream. Mr. Luo later won Mr. Xi’s plau-
dits for purging officials in Shanxi, a coal-
rich province where corruption was en-
demic.
Some now half-jokingly describe Mr.
Luo as Hong Kong’s Communist Party
secretary. That title does not officially
exist but conveys the shift under Mr.
Luo’s watch. In China, the party secre-
tary outranks other local officials.
“The relationship between the liaison
office and the Hong Kong government is
already likened to a party secretary ver-
sus a mayor in China,” said Eliza Lee, a
professor of politics at the University of
Hong Kong. “That kind of relationship
will become increasingly normalized.”
The liaison office’s growing status can
be seen in its physical footprint.
The number of properties it owns in
the city has tripled over the past three
decades, to include hundreds of apart-
ment buildings, offices, retail units and
parking spots. Reflecting its increased
staff in the city, an office subsidiary
bought at least 20 residential properties
last year, according to Hong Kong
records.
It also oversees a publishing company,
Sino United, that dominates retail book
sales in Hong Kong. At one of its book-
stores, a table was piled with titles such
as “Hong Kong’s Disturbance,” a col-
lection of reports about the 2019 protests
by China’s state news agency, and “The

Dawn Breaking Through Hong Kong’s
Dark Night” — a reference to the securi-
ty law.
Newspapers owned by the liaison of-
fice, long dismissed as propaganda, are
now studied for clues about Beijing’s in-
tentions in Hong Kong. Lately, the news-
papers — Ta Kung Pao and Wen Wei Po
— have railed against what they call
overly lenient judges who have dis-
missed prosecutions of protesters, and
establishment lawmakers have followed
with calls for judicial reforms, including
establishing a council to set sentences.
Late last month, the liaison office con-
vened a meeting with establishment po-
liticians to discuss the legislature’s prior-
ities. According to a meeting summary
sent to other members by Junius Ho, a
pro-Beijing lawmaker, the office made
clear that it wanted to prioritize the
“three mountains” of reforming educa-
tion, the judiciary and social services.
Other officials confirmed the meeting
but disputed his characterization, saying
the office was simply attempting to can-
vass views. They also said such meet-
ings were typical, as the liaison office has
traditionally helped organize the estab-
lishment bloc in the Legislative Council,
by mediating conflicts and deciding who
runs where in elections.
The office’s expanded playbook was
clear in Mr. Luo’s recent visits to low-in-
come residents. After chatting with one
man, a chef who lost his job last year, Mr.
Luo told his deputies to quickly find him
work, according to an office statement.
Such photo ops have been relatively
uncommon, and a focus on specific poli-
cies and questions of social welfare is
even more unusual.
The next day, several pro-Beijing poli-
ticians called on the Hong Kong govern-
ment to expand its support for low-in-
come residents. One of them, Bill Tang,
said Hong Kong had not done enough to
help the unemployed, and cited the cen-
tral government’s campaign to end pov-
erty in the mainland.
“I really hope that such a spirit can
also be on Hong Kong,” Mr. Tang said in
an interview.
Xu Tianmin, the chef visited by Mr.
Luo, was thrilled by the attention from
Beijing.
On social media, Mr. Xu, who arrived
from the mainland seven years ago,
seems ardently patriotic, rallying
against Hong Kong demonstrators and
removing protest messages from the so-
called Lennon Walls. He told one state-
owned newspaper that his pro-govern-
ment activism was the reason he had lost
his last job.
“I never thought that I would be vis-
ited,” he told another paper. “I’m so
thankful to the liaison office for its con-
cern for residents at the grass roots.”
But in the days after the visit, the glow
faded a little. The city’s opposition camp
questioned the scripted nature of the vis-
it and reported donations of protective
gear to Mr. Xu’s hometown.
Mr. Xu declined to be interviewed in
person, but in a brief exchange over a
messaging app, he said he had not yet
found full-time work and was still scrap-
ing by with temporary construction jobs.
Many people had tried to help him find
a job after the news of his meeting, he
said. But it was friends who reached out
with potential opportunities — not the li-
aison office.

The Liaison Office of the Central People’s Government in Hong Kong. The number of properties the office owns in the city has tripled over the last three decades.


LAM YIK FEI FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES

Communist Party Steps Out of Shadows in Hong Kong


Luo Huining, left, leads the Liaison
Office of the Central People’s Govern-
ment. Its publishing arm dominates
book sales in Hong Kong, above.

LAM YIK FEI FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES

NAVESH CHITRAKAR/REUTERS

A Once-Secret Office


Exerts Beijing’s Will


This article is by Austin Ramzy, Vivian
Wangand Chris Buckley.


Cao Li contributed reporting from Hong
Kong.


THE NEW YORK TIMES

Constant Méheut and Antonella Francini
contributed reporting.
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