The New York Times - USA (2020-10-25)

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by animus against law enforcement. The
president and vice president pleaded
with union leaders to temper their rheto-
ric about a nationwide “war on cops.”
The vice president, Mr. Johnson re-
called, made a personal appeal to the po-
lice groups, to the effect of: “You know
me, you can trust me, I’ve always been
there for you.”
“I think it fell flat,” Mr. Johnson said.
“For the representatives around the ta-
ble of various law-enforcement groups,
our perception was, things were very
bad out there.”
As early as 2009, there had been at
least faint signs of tension. One was the
uncomfortable episode that summer
when Mr. Biden helped chaperone a so-
called beer summit between Mr. Obama,
Henry Louis Gates Jr., a professor at
Harvard University who was arrested at
his own home after a passer-by reported
a suspected robbery, and Sgt. James
Crowley of the Cambridge, Mass., police,
who had arrested Mr. Gates. Mr. Obama
said the Cambridge police had “acted
stupidly,” enraging police groups.
The challenges to come would dwarf
that episode by orders of magnitude.
The lethal shooting of Michael Brown,
a Black teenager in Ferguson, Mo., by a
white officer in 2014 opened a new period
of tumult in law enforcement and race re-
lations. By the summer of 2016, a mood of
crisis had taken hold, as the country con-
fronted the successive killings of two
Black men, Alton Sterling and Philando
Castile, in Louisiana and Minnesota, and
of the officers in Dallas.
For Mr. Biden, it was no longer an op-
tion to focus on the mechanics of crime-
fighting over matters of race.
Mr. Biden repeatedly summoned
chiefs and union leaders to his residence
and his office, and backed an administra-
tion task force charged with a reform
agenda. Ms. Robinson, who co-chaired
the panel, said Mr. Biden’s involvement
helped secure cooperation from wary po-
lice groups, calling it “a reflection of his
real sensibility about tone, and how
things are being received, and the role
that he can play in those situations.”
Ronald L. Davis, a member of the task
force who had headed the federal Com-


munity Oriented Policing Services pro-
gram, which gives funding to police de-
partments, said Mr. Biden was emphatic
that the panel had to “come up with real
solutions,” not just generate a report.
(The group’s work was largely disman-
tled by the Trump administration.)
Without Mr. Biden’s involvement, it is
possible that an insuperable rift would
have opened between the administration
and crucial law-enforcement groups. Mr.
Wexler described a session at the Naval
Observatory in the aftermath of Fergu-
son, when police chiefs and union lead-
ers were at loggerheads.
“The police chiefs were pushing for re-
form, the unions were digging in and Bi-
den had all of us to his residence,” Mr.
Wexler said. “He mediated, in the sense
that he let people talk, and if nothing else
he was the convener, because everybody
knew him.”
But if Mr. Biden’s easy manner and
concern for cops helped bring police
groups to the table, some law enforce-
ment leaders felt a mounting sense of
grievance as they saw the administra-
tion take up a reform agenda. Mr. Pasco,
of the Fraternal Order of Police, said that
for all Mr. Biden’s heartfelt outreach, he
was still “on the anti-police side of these
issues.”
At the same time, Mr. Trump was
mounting his first campaign for the pres-
idency on a simpler message: one of un-
yielding support for law enforcement
and near-total indifference to police bru-
tality. Accepting his party’s nomination
in 2016, shortly after the Dallas shooting,
Mr. Trump said such attacks “threaten
our very way of life.”
In the intervening years, Mr. Trump’s
message has scarcely changed, while
Mr. Biden’s task has grown more compli-
cated. The racial-justice movement chal-
lenging traditional policing has gathered
strength, while police groups have em-
braced increasingly strident and alarm-
ist rhetoric about rioting and violent
crime. And Mr. Biden’s determination to
bridge those divides has persisted.
Rich Stanek, a former Republican
sheriff in Hennepin County, Minn., who
worked with Mr. Biden on gun control
during his vice presidency, questioned
how much good will Mr. Biden would
have to draw on with police groups as
president. Yet he and other police lead-
ers did not discount the possibility of a
shift if Mr. Biden wins the election.
“It’s the president,” Mr. Stanek said.
“If he calls and invites law enforcement
to his office to talk about an issue, they’re
going to come.”

TOM WILLIAMS/CQ ROLL CALL, VIA ASSOCIATED PRESS

STEPHEN CROWLEY/THE NEW YORK TIMES

THE NEW YORK TIMES NATIONALSUNDAY, OCTOBER 25, 2020 N 27

Articles in this series are exploring the
lives and careers of candidates in the
2020 presidential race, and the turning
points that led to their White House bids.


The Long Run


WASHINGTON — Joe Biden
says he loves ice cream, aviators
and Amtrak. But if elected presi-
dent, his love for the rail agency
may be put to the test.
Amtrak is facing a crisis. The
coronavirus has led to scores of
riders abandoning its trains, caus-
ing huge drops in revenue. The
agency has cut back on service to
America’s heartland. It has fur-
loughed over 2,000 workers. If it
does not get $2.8 billion in emer-
gency funding by December, an-
other 2,400 employees could lose
their jobs, Amtrak officials warn.
High profile projects across the
country, including those in New
York and New Jersey, are facing
delays.
All the while, Congress has
stalled on approving any further
relief, despite bipartisan support
for the rail agency.
But as Mr. Biden — a longtime
Amtrak rider and perhaps its
most famous advocate — rolls to-
ward Election Day, rail supporters
want to hear more from the Demo-
cratic presidential candidate and
former vice president about what
a potential Biden administration
would do to solve it.
“The Amtrak that Joe Biden
loves can be largely gone by Inau-
guration Day,” said John Robert
Smith, a former board chairman
of Amtrak. “The V.P.’s got to make
a statement.”
When asked about Mr. Biden’s
position on Amtrak’s personnel
cuts or reduction in service, the
Biden campaign could not provide
specific details. But Matt Hill, a
spokesman for the campaign, said
that Mr. Biden had been “a loyal
Amtrak rider and advocate for its
workers throughout his entire ca-
reer.”
“A President Biden will step up
for Amtrak’s workers,” Mr. Hill
said.
Amtrak is core to Mr. Biden’s
personal and political identity. In
1972, one month before Mr. Biden
was sworn in as a senator from
Delaware, his first wife and infant
daughter died in a car crash. He
soon began a decades-long daily
ritual of riding the train between
Washington and Wilmington to
fulfill a pledge to be home with his
children every night, earning the
moniker “Amtrak Joe.”
As a senator, he was a staunch
supporter of Amtrak funding. As a
presidential candidate, he has re-
lied on his love for the rail network
to support his common man im-
age with voters.
In 1987, Mr. Biden kicked off his
first presidential bid from the
back of an Amtrak train. Last
month, the day after his first de-
bate with President Trump, Mr.
Biden chartered an Amtrak train
to talk with voters in Ohio and
Pennsylvania on his “Build Back
Better Express” tour.
Current and retired Amtrak
workers have said Mr. Biden’s
connection with the train staff
during his 30-plus years as a rider
exemplifies his personality.
“Every cafe car attendant up
and down that corridor knows
him,” Gregg Weaver, a retired Am-
trak conductor who worked on Mr.
Biden’s train route, said in an in-
terview. “He didn’t care whether
you were carrying a briefcase or a
lunch pail, he had time for you.”
Amtrak supporters recognize

there is little a presidential candi-
date can do to bolster the rail
agency, and that any financial life-
line for the network must come
from the White House and Con-
gress.
But they say the Biden cam-
paign could pressure Amtrak’s
leaders into doing what some law-
makers and rail advocates have
been pressing the agency to do:
lobby Congress for permission to
use funds intended for capital
projects to temporarily save jobs
and maintain service.
Amtrak has nearly $3.3 billion
available to use for capital
projects, according to the agen-
cy’s August financial report. Rail
experts indicate at least $1.4 bil-
lion of that money could be recon-
figured to support worker salaries
and rail operations with a con-
gressional waiver.
Amtrak has been loathe to tap
into those funds because leaders

worry it would delay projects
meant to increase the safety and
reliability of the rail service. Am-
trak currently spends $200 million
to $250 million per month to sus-
tain its operations, according to its
chief executive William J. Flynn.
In August, the rail agency brought
in nearly $127 million in total reve-
nue, according to an analysis of its
financial reports.
Mr. Biden could draw a spot-
light on Amtrak’s struggles, rail
advocates say, by publicly encour-
aging the agency to reverse its
furlough plans and restore daily
service on its long distance routes,
an essential transportation link
and economic lifeline for rural
communities.
“By talking now, Biden could
lay the foundation to assure Am-
trak the pressure will get more in-
tense if Biden wins,” said Ross Ca-
pon, a transportation consultant
and former executive director of
the National Association of Rail-
road Passengers.
On the campaign trail, Mr. Bi-
den has not commented on Am-
trak’s decision to cut jobs and re-
duce service.
But in September, he voiced his

support for Amtrak’s 2,000 fur-
loughed workers. “It’s safe to say
I’ve gotten to know the hardwork-
ing men and woman of Amtrak
over the years,” Mr. Biden said on
Twitter. “I’m proud to stand with
them as they face furloughs due to
funding cuts.”
“It’s time we have their backs,”
he added.
Mr. Flynn said in a statement
that “delaying capital work” was
“not an option,” and that repur-
posing capital funds for operating
expenses would also result in job
losses.
Part of Amtrak’s hesitation over
tapping into its capital funds may
be the uncertain political climate
as the Nov. 3 election draws closer,
rail experts said.
“There is a calculation to be
made,” said Jim Mathews, the
chief executive of the Rail Pas-
sengers Association. “A Biden ad-
ministration and a Democratic-
controlled Senate would make it a
lot easier to restore that capital
funding.”
Amtrak supporters are also
looking for more information from
the Biden campaign about how
the rail agency would fare under
his potential presidency. Under
Mr. Trump, Amtrak’s budget has
repeatedly been on the chopping
block but Congress has opted to
largely maintain the agency’s
funding. In February, the White
House proposed cutting its budget
by half.
John D. Porcari, an adviser to
Mr. Biden’s campaign who served
as President Barack Obama’s dep-
uty secretary of transportation,
told Politico this month that a Bi-
den administration might aim to
not only restore Amtrak but ex-
pand it, creating new 400-mile
corridors that connect small and
midsize cities where airlines pro-
vide limited service. Such an am-
bitious plan is similar to Amtrak’s
own 2050 vision.
Congressional aides and rail ad-
vocates note that a plan to bolster
Amtrak has already passed the
House but lacks enough support
in the Senate. The INVEST Act
would increase investment in rail
by $60 billion over five years, with
nearly $29 billion specifically for
Amtrak.
The legislation’s lead sponsor in
the House, Representative Peter
A. DeFazio, Democrat of Oregon,
is confident that if Mr. Biden is
elected, he will work with Con-
gress to provide Amtrak a robust
future.

‘What I’m going to

do as president of
the United States

is call together an
entire group of

people at the
White House.

Well, everything
from the civil

rights groups, to
the police officers,

to police chiefs,

and we’re going to
work this out.’

JOSEPH R. BIDEN JR.

Amtrak in Crisis Seeks Biden’s Aid


By PRANSHU VERMA

Hoping his influence


will stop cuts to rail


personnel and service.


The Trump administration has
relaunched long-delayed plans to
conduct a seismic survey in the
Arctic National Wildlife Refuge in
Alaska as a prelude to drilling for
oil there.
The Bureau of Land Manage-
ment on Friday released a pro-
posal to begin a seismic survey in
December that would look for un-
derground signs of oil reserves
over more than half a million
acres on the east side of the ref-
uge’s coastal plain. The Bureau
said it would accept public com-
ments on the plan, which was pro-
posed by an Alaska Native village
corporation, for 14 days before de-
ciding whether to issue a permit.
Environmental and conserva-
tion groups in Alaska and else-
where immediately criticized the
action, saying it would perma-
nently harm the delicate Arctic
tundra and affect polar bears and
other wildlife in what is one of the
most remote and pristine parts of
the United States. They also said
that the rapid time frame meant
that a thorough environmental re-
view would not be possible.
“The submission of this applica-
tion and BLM’s choice to act on it
so close to the election shows how
desperate the administration is to
turn over one of the nation’s most
sensitive landscapes to the oil in-
dustry,” Lois Epstein, director of
the Arctic program for the Wilder-
ness Society, said in a statement.
“The federal government is reck-
lessly rushing and irresponsibly
denying the public adequate time

to assess the application and sub-
mit comments.”
The land that would be sur-
veyed is part of the so-called 1002
Area, which the Trump Adminis-
tration and Congress opened to oil
and gas development in 2017, re-
versing decades of protections. In
August, the Interior Department
finished reviews of plans to sell oil
and gas leases in the area, saying

the sale could occur before the end
of the year. Environmental groups
have filed suit, and so far the lease
sales have not occurred.
The 1002 Area is thought to
overlie geological formations that
might hold billions of barrels of oil,
but that assessment is based
largely on the only seismic survey
ever conducted there, in the 1980s.
Only one exploratory well has
ever been drilled in the refuge,
and a New York Times investiga-
tion found that the results were
disappointing.
The new proposal, by the Kak-
tovik Inupiat Corporation, would
use improved technology that can
produce three-dimensional im-
ages of underground formations.
It would involve deploying heavy
trucks across the tundra in a grid

pattern, as well as supplies and
mobile living quarters for a crew
of 180 workers.
Because of the potential for
damaging the tundra, the work
could only be conducted when
there was sufficient snow cover
and frozen ground. But damage
from the previous seismic work,
which was also conducted in win-
ter, can still be seen today.
The proposal calls for the work
to be done by SAExploration, a
Houston-based contractor that
specializes in seismic surveys for
the oil and gas industry.
In 2018, SAExploration, along
with the Kaktovik Inupiat Corpo-
ration and another Alaska Native
corporation, submitted a proposal
for a seismic survey in the refuge.
But an environmental assessment
of the proposal was delayed, and
the plan was shelved last year.
Since then, SAExploration has
declared bankruptcy and, this
month, the company and four for-
mer senior executives were ac-
cused by the Securities and Ex-
change Commission of conducting
a multiyear accounting fraud that
inflated the company’s revenue
by $100 million and hid the theft of
about $10 million by executives.
The new proposal is similar to
the one released in 2018, although
smaller in scope, covering about
one-third of the 1002 Area. It calls
for using infrared cameras to de-
tect the heat from polar bears in
dens under the snow. But a study
published in February suggested
that the cameras were likely to
miss some dens.

Seismic Tests Are Planned for Arctic Refuge


By HENRY FOUNTAIN

GABRIELA BHASKAR FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES
Joseph R. Biden Jr. chartered an Amtrak train last month to talk
with voters in Ohio. He has always been a loyal Amtrak rider.

Some see a scheme to


sell gas and oil leases


by the end of the year.


.
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