17◼ REMARKS Bloomberg Businessweek November 16, 2020
6%ofworkersareundertheageof30,whereas44%are 50
orolder.One-thirdofemployeeswillbeeligibleforretire-
mentin2023,andthefigureis twiceashighformembersof
theSeniorExecutiveService.Meanwhile,agenciesarestrug-
glingtorecruitqualifiedtalenttofilltheirneeds.Eighty-three
percentoffederaldepartmentsreportstaffingshortages,and
63%saytheiremployeeslackcriticalskills,accordingtothe
PartnershipforPublicService.
Thiscrisis,brewingforyears,won’tbesolvedsimplyby
changingtheoccupantintheOvalOffice.ExpertssuchasStier
pointtothegovernment’sflawedhiringprocess,whichrelieson
acumbersome,opaquejob-postingsystem.Evenif a jobhunter
figuresouthowtosubmittheirapplicationsuccessfully,it takes
anaverageof 100 daystoreceivea governmentjoboffer,more
thantwiceaslongasintheprivatesector.Andonceinsidethe
bureaucracy,youngerworkersfindinadequatementorshipand
support,leadingtohighratesofattrition.
Wheretobegin?Streamliningbackgroundchecks,expand-
inginternshipprograms,andrecruitingoncollegecampuses—
evenvirtually—canhelpagenciesattractyoungertalent.So
wouldfixingthePublicServiceLoanForgivenessProgram,
whichpromisesstudent-debtreliefforthosewhopursue
careersingovernment.It is sorifewithcomplexitiesthatonly
1%ofthoseeligibleforloanforgivenessactuallyreceiveit.
ThescaleofthechallengesfacingtheBidenadministration
willrequiresystemicorganizationalchange.“Wehavea leg-
acygovernmentthathasn’tkeptpacewiththeworldaround
it,whetheryou’retalkingaboutpandemicsorcyberattacksor
economicmeltdowns,”Stiersays.“Weshouldunderstandthat
thisis theworldwe’rein.Andwhatweknowis theseproblems
won’tslowdown;if anything,they’llaccelerateandproliferate.”
Effectivelydealingwithemergingthreatsrequiresa dif-
ferentkindofworkforce,onethat’smoreagileanddigitally
native,drawsonprivate-sector expertise, and reflects the coun-
try’s diversity. “What you need is a much deeper shift in mind-
set,” says Anne-Marie Slaughter, chief executive officer of New
America, a Washington think tank, and former head of policy
planning at the State Department. “We need to go from operat-
ing like a 20th century corporation, with this vast org chart with
different areas of responsibility, to something more like a con-
sulting firm, where you have teams of experts from across the
government that come together to form and re-form.”
Slaughter thinks Biden should work with Congress to
reform the country’s diplomatic corps, allowing foreign ser-
vice officers to work in the private sector and opening up
opportunities for Americans with specialized skills to do
short-term assignments overseas. “We have to be able to tap
the full range of talent in our society to tackle the global issues
we face,” she says. “And asking people to sign up for 30-year
careers is just not going to do that.”
A model Biden can look to is the U.S. Digital Service, cre-
ated by President Obama to rescue one of his biggest adminis-
trative failures: the botched rollout of healthcare.gov. Made up
of technology-industry veterans recruited for two-year tours
in Washington, the agency has worked to improve the deliv-
ery of government services, saving taxpayers $3.5 billion over
five years—one reason it’s received consistent backing from the
Trump White House and Republicans in Congress. Investing
in an expansion of USDS, and applying the lessons of its suc-
cess, would be a strong signal of Biden’s commitment to inno-
vation, with the added virtue of drawing support from both
sides of the aisle.⑤ REJOIN THE WORLD
The most complex reconstruction job awaiting Biden is one
he’s focused on for much of his campaign: repairing America’s
global image and rallying like-minded countries to come
together to solve common challenges. But the international
landscape looks much different than it did four years ago,
when Biden departed the vice president’s residence at the
U.S. Naval Observatory for the last time.
Trump’s hostility to multilateral organizations and disdain
for traditional alliances have left the U.S. more isolated and
less influential than it’s been in decades. To deal with intensi-
fying geopolitical conflict, the threat of nuclear proliferation,
and the emergence of a more assertive China, the U.S. will need
to shore up its relationships around the world. Yet even among
America’s allies, any assurances Biden provides will be treated
with wariness after the volatility of the Trump years.
“I don’t think the world is ready [for the U.S.] to simply
say, ‘We’re back.’ We’re going to have to be back in a differ-
ent mode,” Slaughter says. “It will be relatively easy to reacti-
vate relationships. The question is, how are we going to lead?
And the answer can’t just focus on how the U.S. government
is going to lead, but how we lead along with a number of other
countries—as well as our industries, our universities, our sci-
entific establishment.”
Biden has pledged to rejoin a range of international bod-
ies and agreements cast aside by Trump, including the World
Health Organization, the Trans-Pacific Partnership, and the
Paris climate accord. He should also reverse Trump’s deci-
sion not to participate in Covax, the global Covid-vaccine pur-
chasing pool that 180 countries, including China, have joined.
Doing so is not only in the interest of global health but would
benefit American consumers by giving them access to vaccines
developed in other countries.
This underscores a reality that’s likely to remain true for the
foreseeable future: If the country is going to get itself out of this
mess, it’s going to need to ask for help. Learning to accept the
limits of American power is the first step toward recovering it. <BW>
�Ratnesar is on the editorial board of Bloomberg Opinion“There’s so much distrust of everything.
It’s going to be important for Biden to
say, ‘There are a set of rules. We’re
going to follow thoserules, and we’re
going to enforce them’”