26 THENEWYORKER,NOVEMBER23, 2020
weren’t set up with someone like Trump
in mind. It’s not impossible that his
White House will destroy records not
so much to cover its own tracks but to
sabotage the Biden Administration.
This would be a crime, of course, but
Trump could issue blanket pardons. Yet,
as with any Administration, there’s a
limit to what can be lost. Probably not
much is on paper, and it’s harder to de
stroy electronic records than most peo
ple think. Chances are, a lot of docu
ments that people in the White House
might wish did not exist can’t really be
purged, because they’ve already been
duplicated. Some will have been cop
ied by other offices, as a matter of rou
tine. And some will have been deliber
ately captured. “I can imagine that at
State, Treasury, D.O.D., the career peo
ple have been quietly copying import
ant stuff all the way along, precisely with
this in mind,” the historian Fredrik Lo
gevall, the author of a new biography
of Kennedy, told me.
Other attempts to preserve the rec
ord appear to have been less successful.
The White House’s P.R.A. guidelines,
as worked out with the National
Archives, forbade the use of smartphone
apps that can automatically erase or en
crypt text messages. It’s possible that
the White House has complied with
those guidelines, but there’s nothing
that the National Archives could have
done, or could do now, if it hasn’t.
Watchdog groups sued, concerned about
the use of such apps, but the Justice
Department successfully argued that
“courts cannot review the president’s
compliance with the Presidential Rec
ords Act.” In 2019, the National Secu
rity Archive joined with two other or
ganizations in a suit against Trump that
led to a court’s ordering the Adminis
tration to preserve not only “all records
reflecting Defendants’ meetings, phone
calls, and other communications with
foreign leaders” but records having to
do with the Administration’s record
keeping practices. Earlier this year, the
judge in that case dismissed the law
suit: “The Court is bound by Circuit
precedent to find that it lacks author
ity to oversee the President’s dayto
day compliance with the statutory pro
visions involved in this case.”
“I’m very worried,” Austin Evers, the
executive director of the watchdog group
American Oversight, told me. “There
are a lot of senior officials in the Trump
Administration who have been relying
on impunity to sleep well at night, and
I think it will dawn on them over the
coming days and weeks that the records
they leave behind will be in the hands
of people they do not trust, including
career public servants.” But, if Jared Kush
ner set a bonfire in the Rose Garden,
Evers thinks that there would be reper
cussions. “The P.R.A. gets a bad rap,” he
says. It’s difficult to enforce, but it’s not
unenforceable. And if evidence of doc
ument destruction comes out, Evers says,
American Oversight is poised to file suit:
“We have litigation in the can.”
A
week after Election Day, the House
Oversight Committee sent stren
uously worded letters to the White
House and to dozens of federal agencies,
warning them not to destroy or remove
records during the transition. The let
ters were signed by the chairs of twenty
other House committees. “That letter
is the lifeguard whistle from the tower,”
Tom Blanton, who runs the National
Security Archive, told me.“ ‘Watch out,
there are records drowning out there!’ ”
Trudy Peterson, who served as the
acting archivist of the United States
under Clinton, helped oversee the pack
ing up of the Ford White House on the
day of Carter’s Inauguration. Crowds
were lining the streets, she recalled,
while, inside, “people were packing up
the President’s morning briefing. You
have literally the hottest of the hot for
eignpolicy materials in your hands.” A
convoy of trucks, under military escort,
drove from Washington to Michigan.
“In the mountains, we lost track of one
of the trucks,” she told me. “For a mat
ter of moments. But it stopped your
heart.” Phillip Brady, who served under
both Reagan and George H. W. Bush,
once recalled what it was like to pack
up. People from the White House coun
sel’s office, he said, “would again remind
everyone that these are Presidential doc
uments; you’re not permitted to walk
out of the White House with them;
these are things that become part of the
permanent record.” Brady visited the
archives at the Bush Library and rum
maged through boxes with his name on
them. “Some of the messages were a lit
tle more candid than you like to recall
they were,” he said in an interview later.
“Because of the hustle of the day, many
times you’re writing notes to someone:
‘I think that’s a stupid idea.’... An awful
lot more is preserved than you would
imagine.” That’s how it’s supposed to
happen, anyway.
The memo that Don McGahn sent
to executiveoffice personnel in Febru
ary, 2017, came with a warning, about
leaving the White House:
At all times, please keep in mind that pres-
idential records are the property of the United
States. You may not dispose of presidential
records. When you leave EOP employment,
you may not take any presidential records with
you. You also may not take copies of any pres-
idential records without prior authorization
from the Counsel’s office. The willful destruction
or concealment of federal records is a federal
crime punishable by fines and imprisonment.
Custody of the records of the Trump
White House will be formally trans
ferred to the National Archives at noon
on January 20, 2021, the minute that
Biden takes his oath of office on the
steps of the Capitol. Trump, defying
tradition, is unlikely to attend that cer
emony. It’s difficult, even, to picture him
there. Maybe he’ll be in the Oval Office,
yanking at the drawers of Resolute, the
Presidential desk, barking out orders,
cornered, frantic, panicked. Maybe he’ll
tweet the whole thing. The obligation,
the sober duty, to save the record of this
Administration will fall to the people
who work under him. It may well re
quire many small acts of defiance.
The truth will not come from the
exPresident. Out of a job and burdened
by debt, he’ll want to make money, bil
lions. He’ll need, crave, hunger to be
seen, looked at, followed, loved, hated;
he’ll take anything but being ignored.
He may launch a TV show, or even a
media empire. Will he sell secrets to
American adversaries, in the guise of
advice and expertise? It isn’t impossible.
“Will you shut up, man?” an exas
perated Biden said to Trump during
their Presidential debate. Donald J.
Trump cannot shut up. Aside from the
prospect of silencing former White
House staffers, shredding papers, delet
ing files, and burying evidence, another
danger, when the sun sets on the twen
tieth of January, won’t be what’s left un
said, unrecorded, and unsaved but what
Trump will be willing to say, still.