52 Britain The EconomistNovember 21st 2020
W
hen dominic cummings, Boris Johnson’s chief adviser un-
til last week, leaves a room, he likes to make a childish ges-
ture: he pulls a pin out of an imaginary grenade, and tosses it over
his shoulder. The man who engineered Brexit and pushed Mr
Johnson to hold the election that won him an 80-seat majority
while dragging the government into fights with Parliament, the
civil service and its own party, has left Downing Street, and the
place looks as if an explosion has hit it. Projects are hanging in the
air. Functionaries are running around like headless chickens. The
only person who can mend all this is another chief adviser.
More than most leaders, Boris Johnson relies on the people
around him, for his positive qualities (optimism and enthusiasm)
are counterbalanced by negative ones (disorganisation and drift).
He would have been a rotten Mayor of London but for the arrival of
competent advisers, notably Simon Milton. He needs a similar
deus ex machina to rescue his faltering premiership. Mr Cum-
mings provided Mr Johnson with political genius and intellectual
energy, but he lacked most of the qualities a chief adviser needs.
Downing Street could always add to its exorbitant consultants’
bills and call in McKinsey to provide a few management bromides
(“must be committed to transparency”) to identify the right person
to replace him. But a better way would be to read a few books. Start
with Machiavelli’s “The Prince”—the first book on politics to de-
scribe men as they are, warts and all, rather than as moralists
would like them to be, and a wonderful source of eternal insights.
Then imitate Machiavelli’s method and “step inside the courts” of
previous leaders by reading lots of history.
Chief advisers fulfil all sorts of vital functions in today’s poli-
tics. They act as a counter-balance to the civil service and a filter for
all those trying to bend a leader’s ear. But they also perform an im-
portant psychological service: they give their master or mistress
somebody to talk to. The best advisers are almost invisible: those
who appear in the papers are not doing their job properly. James
Baker, chief of staff to both Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush,
said that the key word in the phrase “chief of staff” was “staff”.
There was no photograph in public circulation of Jonathan Powell,
Tony Blair’s chief of staff and the author of “The New Machiavelli:
How to Wield Power in the Modern World”, during his first year inthejob,sonewspapershadtopublish silhouettes of him.
But subordination to the boss doesn’t mean becoming a patsy.
Chief advisers need to be able to correct their master’s weaknesses
as well as magnify their strengths. Patrick Moynihan brought out
the best in Richard Nixon by reminding him of Disraeli’s advice
that the best governments consist of “Tory men and Whig mea-
sures”. Unfortunately there were plenty of other advisers around,
such as John Ehrlichman and Bob Haldeman, who were happy to
bring out the worst in the president. David Gergen rescued Bill
Clinton’s first administration from chaos by providing the young
staffers who had run his presidential campaign with adult super-
vision. Mr Johnson needs both a Moynihan and a Gergen—some-
one who can provide both intellectual drive and adult discipline.
The modern Machiavelli has to be willing to prick ideological
bubbles. There is nothing more dangerous for an organisation
than self-congratulatory groupthink. Advisers need to be well
versed in past mistakes so that they can probe their bosses’ ideas
and plans for weaknesses before rivals or reality expose those
flaws. At the same time, whenever hubris turns to despair, as it so
often does in politics, they need to be able to put the babble of daily
headlines into perspective. Machiavelli’s injunction that both
princes and advisers should study history and “note the actions of
great men” is even more germane today, when too many politi-
cians study economics or, even worse, management science.
The ideal adviser needs to know when to pick fights and when
to play nice. Machiavelli was right that change is dangerous be-
cause “he who innovates will have as his enemies all those who are
well off under the existing order of things, and only lukewarm sup-
porters in those who might be better off under the new”. But too
many Tories have come to believe that, because you can’t make
progress without making enemies, the mere existence of enemies
is a sign that you’re making progress. Demonising the establish-
ment as a reactionary blob is less effective than co-opting its mem-
bers by appealing to a mixture of their ambition and their better
natures. Not all of the government’s ideas for universities, the civil
service and the bbcare daft, and a little digging reveals that many
insiders agree with some of them.Rubber levers
Finally, successful advisers also need to roam beyond Downing
Street. One of the commonest complaints of prime ministers is
that they grasp the levers of power only to discover that they are
made of rubber: pull them and they bend rather than moving the
machinery of government. This is not, as too many prime minis-
ters conclude, because the levers are defective and the machinery
needs to be re-engineered, but because in a pluralistic democracy
power is widely distributed. Advisers need to help their bosses
build coalitions across the political nation, supping not just with
journalists, mps and civil servants but also with city mayors, who
rightly feel slighted by the London-focused political system.
Mr Johnson is currently engaged in a grand relaunch of his ad-
ministration after a disaster-prone 11 months since the election.
But none of his fine words about the green industrial revolution
will mean a fig unless he can find a modern Machiavelli strong
enough to drive policy forward and self-effacing enough to devote
himself to the greater glorification of King Boris. The job descrip-
tion is a daunting one, but the successful candidate will have a
chance to shape from the shadows the country in the wake of two
of the biggest shocks, Brexit and covid-19, that it has received since
the second world war. 7Bagehot A modern Machiavelli
The ideal chief adviser for Boris Johnson would not much resemble the one who has just been fired