A History of American Literature

(Marvins-Underground-K-12) #1
72 The Colonial and Revolutionary Periods

Gospel, and Missionary to the Indians; at the Execution of Moses Paul an Indian (1722).
Reflecting Occom’s own evangelical convictions, and focusing, in the tradition of all
execution sermons, on the omnipresence of death and the necessity for immediate,
radical conversion, it was immensely popular. Its popularity encouraged the publi-
cation of the second book, Collection of Hymns and Spiritual Songs (1774), which
became the first Indian bestseller. All Occom’s work is marked by a fervent belief in
the power of grace, and by his insistence that, as he put it in the execution sermon,
“we are all dying creatures” who had to seek that grace at once. It is marked, as well,
by a fervent rhetorical style and an equally fervent belief that all his people, the
Mohegans and other tribes, were in particular need of Christian redemption. Passing
through it, however, is another current, less openly acknowledged but undeniably
there: the suspicion that many of the miseries of his life were there “because,” as he
expressed it, “I am a poor Indian,” that this was true of all other “poor Indians” too,
and that the way to deal with this was to build a separate community. Quite apart
from consistently arguing that his people should not become involved in the quar-
rels of whites, such as the Revolution and the War of 1812 between the United States
and England, he became an enthusiastic disciple of a project to remove the Christian
Indians of New England to a settlement in New York. The project was never realized,
but Occom’s enthusiasm for it shows how differently he felt from Aupaumut about
the promise of the new republic. For him as for many Native Americans – and
despite a passionate commitment to a religion learned from white people – the only
solution was to come apart and be separate.
The rage felt by many African-Americans, enslaved or freed, at the obvious and
immense gap between the rhetoric of the Revolution and the reality of their condi-
tion was memorably expressed by Lemuel Haynes (1753–1833). As an evangelical
minister, Haynes, along with Jupiter Hammon and Phillis Wheatley, helped to pro-
duce the first significant body of African-American writing, founded on revivalist
rhetoric and Revolutionary discourse. His address “Liberty Further Extended: Or
Free Thoughts on the Illegality of Slave-Keeping” (written early in his career but not
published until 1983) begins by quoting the Declaration of Independence to the
effect that “all men are created Equal” with “Ceartain unalienable rights.” Haynes
then goes on to argue that “Liberty, & freedom, is an innate principle, which is
unmoveably placed in the human Species.” It is a “Jewel,” Haynes declares, “which
was handed Down to man from the cabinet of heaven, and is Coeval with his
Existance.” And, since it “proceeds from the Supreme Legislature of the univers, so it
is he which hath a sole right to take away.” So, anyone who “would take away a mans
Liberty assumes a prerogative that Belongs to another, and acts out of his own
domain,” he assumes the power and prerogatives of God. In short, “the practise of
Slave-keeping, which so much abounds in this Land is illicit.” Skillfully using the
founding documents of the nation, and quotations from the Bible such as the pro-
nouncement that God made “of one blood all nations of men, for to dwell upon the face
of the earth,” Haynes weaves a trenchant argument against slavery. “Liberty is Equally
as pre[c]ious to a Black man, as it is to a white one,” he insists; “even an african, has
Equally as good a right to his Liberty in common with Englishmen.” The message is

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