The New York Times - USA (2020-12-02)

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THE NEW YORK TIMES INTERNATIONALWEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 2, 2020 N A

It was Mr. Putin, the Russian
president, who by all accounts
stopped the war that killed thou-
sands this fall in the fiercest fight-
ing the southern Caucasus has
seen this century. But he did so by
departing from the iron-fisted
playbook Russia has used in other
regional conflicts in the post-Sovi-
et period, when it intervened mili-
tarily in Georgia and Ukraine
while invading and annexing
Crimea.
Those tactics, which helped
turn those countries into implaca-
ble adversaries, seem to have fall-
en out of fashion in the Kremlin,
which analysts say is increasingly
applying a more subtle blend of
soft and hard power.
The Kremlin’s lighter touch has
been visible in the recent Belarus
uprising, where Russia refrained
from intervening directly and of-
fered only lukewarm support for
President Aleksandr G. Luka-
shenko, whose violence against
protesters was infuriating the
population.
In the negotiations to end the
recent war, Mr. Putin leaned on
the threat of Russia’s military
power, forcing concessions from
both sides in the conflict but gain-
ing a grudging measure of trust in
the rival camps. Russia has a mu-
tual-defense alliance with Arme-
nia, but Mr. Putin insisted it did
not apply to Nagorno-Karabakh.
He has maintained close personal
ties to President Ilham Aliyev of
Azerbaijan.
The strategy seems to have
paid immediate dividends, pro-
viding the Kremlin with a military
foothold in the region and welding
Armenia firmly into Russia’s
sphere of influence, without alien-
ating Azerbaijan.
“This is an opportunity to play
the role of peacekeeper in the clas-
sical sense,” said Andrei Kor-
tunov, the director general of the
Russian International Affairs
Council, a research organization
close to the Russian government.
“I want to hope that we are seeing
a learning process and a change in
the Russian strategy in the post-
Soviet space.”
With Russian support, Armenia
had won control of Nagorno-Kara-
bakh, a region of Azerbaijan in-
habited by ethnic Armenians, af-
ter a yearslong war in the early
1990s that was precipitated by the
breakup of the Soviet Union. Ar-
menian forces also captured sur-
rounding districts, expelling more
than half a million Azerbaijanis.
After a quarter-century of dip-
lomatic failures, Azerbaijan began
an offensive on Sept. 27 to retake
the area by force, making rapid
gains thanks in part to its sophis-
ticated, Israeli- and Turkish-made
drones.
In early November, Azerbaijani
troops wrested the mountaintop
citadel of Shusha from Armenian
control, scaling the wooded slopes
and fighting hand-to-hand in close
combat through the streets. By
Nov. 9, they were pummeling Ar-
menian soldiers along the road to
nearby Stepanakert, home to a
peacetime population of some
50,000 ethnic Armenians, and an
even bigger battle appeared im-
minent.
Then Mr. Putin, who earlier had
tried to broker a cease-fire,
stepped in. Azerbaijan that night
accidentally shot down a Russian
helicopter, potentially giving Mos-
cow a reason to intervene. The
Russian president delivered an ul-
timatum to Mr. Aliyev of Azerbai-
jan, according to several people
briefed on the matter in the coun-
try’s capital, Baku: If Azerbaijan
did not cease its operations after
capturing Shusha, the Russian
military would intervene.
The same night, a missile of un-
known provenance hit an open
area in Baku, without causing any
injuries, according to Azerbaijani
sources. Some suspected it was a
signal from Russia that it was pre-
pared to get involved and had the
capacity to inflict significant dam-
age.
Hours later, Mr. Putin an-


nounced a peace deal, and Mr.
Aliyev went on television to an-
nounce that all military opera-
tions would stop. Prime Minister
Nikol Pashinyan of Armenia said
he had no choice but to go along,
facing the prospect of even more
bloodshed on the battlefield.
Mr. Aliyev cast the deal as a vic-
tory, with all but a sliver of what

was Armenian-controlled terri-
tory in Nagorno-Karabakh being
returned to Azerbaijan. But he,
too, had to compromise: Nearly
2,000 Russian troops, operating as
peacekeepers, would now be sta-
tioned on Azerbaijani territory. It
was a strategic boon for Russia,
giving Moscow a military foothold
just north of Iran, but also a risk

because it put Russian troops in
the middle of one of the world’s
most intractable ethnic conflicts.
“I don’t know how it will end
this time, because there is no good
example of Russian peacekeepers
in the Caucasus,” said Azad
Isazade, who served in Azerbai-
jan’s Defense Ministry during the
1990s. “I am worried how it will

end.”
Seared in almost every Azerbai-
jani’s memory are the bloody
events of 1990, when Soviet tanks
rolled over demonstrators in Ba-
ku’s central square. Russian
troops have since intervened re-
peatedly in troubled corners of the
Caucasus, often under the moni-
ker of peacekeepers but acting
more like an invading army. Now
Russia will be pivotal to the future
of Nagorno-Karabakh, with the re-
gion’s long-term status still un-
clear.
“Russia doesn’t want to leave
this alone. They like this frozen
state,” said Farid Shafiyev, a for-
mer diplomat and director of the
government-financed Center for
Analysis of International Rela-
tions in Baku. “They are going to
meddle.”
But the deal with Mr. Putin ap-
pears to have suited Mr. Aliyev —
only in part because Azerbaijani
forces were already strung out
and faced a tougher, wintertime
fight ahead while bearing the add-
ed burden of managing a hostile
ethnic Armenian population,one
analyst said.
“I don’t think Aliyev needed
much persuading,” Thomas de
Waal, a senior fellow with Car-
negie Europe, said. “He values his
relationship with Russia.”
For Armenians, many of whom
had looked to build closer ties to
the West in recent years, the war
was a harsh reminder that Russia
remains critical to their security.
Because Azerbaijan’s main ally,
Turkey, posed what many Arme-
nians considered to be an exist-
ential threat, Armenians have
come back “to our default posi-
tion: the reflexive perception of
Russia as the savior,” said Richard
Giragosian, a political analyst
based in Yerevan, the capital of
Armenia.
It was Russia that offered ref-
uge to and fought with Armenians
against Ottoman Turkey during
the Armenian Genocide that be-
gan in 1915.
“Armenia is now ever more
firmly locked within the Russian
orbit, with limited options and
even less room to maneuver,” Mr.
Giragosian said. “The future secu-

rity of Nagorno-Karabakh now de-
pends on Russian peacekeepers,
which gives Moscow the leverage
they lacked.”
The Nov. 9 peace deal says noth-
ing about the territory’s long-term
status, and ethnic Armenians who

trickled back to their homes in
buses overseen by Russian peace-
keepers said they could not imag-
ine life in the region without Rus-
sia’s protection.
Down the road from the
Stepanakert military college now
housing the Russian command,
Vladik Khachatryan, 67, an ethnic
Armenian, said there was a rumor
going around Stepanakert that
gave him hope for the future.
“Soon, we will get Russian pass-
ports,” he said. “We won’t be able
to survive without Russia.”
Across from the Stepanakert
market, in Room 6 of Nver
Mikaelyan’s hotel, a maroon
bloodstain still covered the bed-
sheets more than a week after the
war’s end. The boxers and towels
of the room’s last guests hung on
the headboards, pierced by shrap-
nel from the Azerbaijani bomb
that hit in October.
Echoing other ethnic Armeni-
ans in the area, Mr. Mikaelyan
said he saw one clear path to a
sustainable peace: Nagorno-Ka-
rabakh becoming part of Russia.
The idea seems far-fetched, but it
has been floated by political fig-
ures in Russia and Nagorno-Kara-
bakh over the years, though not
by Mr. Putin.
“What else is to be done?” Mr.
Mikaelyan asked, after taking an-
other look at the blown-out hotel
room door, the TV ripped off the
wall, the trails of blood still stuck
to the third floor. “The European
Union is doing nothing. The Amer-
icans are doing nothing.”

Anton Troianovski reported from
Stepanakert, Nagorno-Karabakh,
and Carlotta Gall from Baku, Azer-
baijan.


In Nagorno-Karabakh Peace Deal, Putin Trades Iron Fist for Deft Touch


From Page A

Above, Armenian soldiers and a Russian peacekeeping soldier,
on the vehicle, at a checkpoint last month in Nagorno-Karabakh.
Left, inside a cathedral in Shusha, which was hit by shelling dur-
ing the war, before the town was captured by Azerbaijan. Below,
an open air market in Stepanakert, which was partially destroyed
by shelling during the six-week war.

MAURICIO LIMA FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES

SERGEY PONOMAREV FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES

MAURICIO LIMA FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES

A Kremlin applying a


more subtle blend of


soft and hard power.


A British woman who docu-
mented her travel around Europe
with her partner for the past six
years on a popular blog has gone
missing while hiking alone in the
Pyrenees mountains, the authori-
ties said.
Search crews were looking for
Esther Dingley, 37, who was last
seen on Nov. 22 in the mountains
in Luchonnais, an area in south-
western France near the border
with Spain, and had planned to re-
turn three days later.
The authorities in France said
on Tuesday that they were in-
creasingly pessimistic about the
chances of finding Ms. Dingley on
the French side of the border.


“We’ve already patrolled the
zone so much that I don’t really
know where else we could
search,” said Pierre Gaillard, the
deputy commandant of the
French mountain platoon leading

the search. He said the possibility
of snow on Tuesday could force
them to stop the search.
“We now have doubts that she
even got into France,” Mr. Gaillard
said. “There’s the same confusion
on the Spanish side.”

At the time of Ms. Dingley’s dis-
appearance, she had been on a
monthlong solo trek while her
partner, Dan Colegate, stayed on a
farm in Gascony, France, accord-
ing to the BBC.
The couple, who have been to-
gether for 18 years after meeting
at Oxford University, began their
journey as long-term hikers and
explorers in 2014 after Mr. Cole-
gate experienced medical compli-
cations following surgery. That
experience, they said, pushed
them to cancel their wedding,
abandon their successful careers
and find what made them happy.
They soon rented out their home,
sold their car and purchased a mo-
tor home, which they named
“Homer.”
Mr. Colegate declined to com-
ment on Monday but said in a

statement over the weekend that
Ms. Dingley’s disappearance had
“broken” him.
“I’ve not been saying anything,
but this wonderful person be-
lieves in the power of positive
thought and right now I’ll take
anything if it means that she can
be found,” he said. “I need her

back. I can’t face the alternative.”
In a post on the couple’s joint
Facebook page on Tuesday night,
Mr. Colegate said that the authori-
ties may be looking at explana-
tions other than an accident. He
said that a missing person’s inves-
tigation had begun in Spain and
that a special judicial unit in

France had opened an inquiry.
Mr. Colegate said that
searchers likely would have found
Ms. Dingley’s body had she fallen
from one of the hiking paths.
Ms. Dingley was last seen on
Pic de Sauvegarde on Nov. 22, ac-
cording to the BBC. She had been
walking from the town of Be-
nasque in Spain the day before
had planned to stay Sunday night
at a cabin in France, Mr. Colegate
said.
Ms. Dingley was last seen wear-
ing black and pink mountain
clothes, according to a missing
persons announcement from the
Civil Guard in Spain.
Mr. Colegate told the BBC on
Sunday that Ms. Dingley had been
on solo treks before: “She always
tried to keep in touch, but some-
times on her hikes was out of con-
tact for a couple of days,” he said.
“This is not looking good.”

‘I Need Her Back’: France and Spain Rush


To Find British Hiker Lost in the Pyrenees


By DERRICK BRYSON TAYLOR

Elian Peltier and Neil Vigdor con-
tributed reporting.


An experienced


explorer who was on a


monthlong solo trek.


Esther Dingley in a selfie taken
on Nov. 21, a day before she
vanished in southwest France.

ESTHER & DAN, VIA REUTERS
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