A History of the American People

McCulloch as an outrageous' vindication ofartificial' property. Taylor's pronouncement, wrote
Jefferson, was the true political faith, to which every catholic republican should steadfastly hold.' He saw Marshall and his Court as the dedicated enemies of American republicanism:The
judiciary of the United States is the subtle corps of sappers and miners constantly working
underground to undermine the foundations of our confederated fabric. They are construing our
Constitution from a general and special government to a general and supreme one alone.'
However, it must not be thought the supporters of a strong central authority had it all their own
way. On the contrary. Federalism, as a political movement, was a declining force round the turn
of the century, precisely because it was a party of the elite, without popular roots, at a time when
democracy was spreading fast among the states and thus beginning to determine the federal
executive power too. Adams' valedictory appointment of Marshall as chief justice was a huge
blow struck for the federalist principle but Adams was the last of the federalist presidents and he
could not get himself re-elected. He was very much in two minds whether to run. Not only did he
hate Washington and the horrible, damp presidential mansion, he also thought the job
intolerable-the President. he warned his son (also in time an uneasy president), has a very hard, laborious and unhappy life.' He laid down:No man who ever held the office of president would
congratulate a friend on obtaining it.' He ran a second time because he did not want Jefferson to
hold the job. There was nothing personal in this: Jefferson was one of the few politicians whom
Adams did not actually hold in contempt-liked him, in fact, albeit they were totally different in
views and styles of life. But Adams thought Jefferson's view of the Constitution and role of
government wholly mistaken-the two men were the North and South Poles of the American Revolution'-and he was terrified Jefferson's sentimentality would involve America in a war on France's side which would inevitably lead to conflict with Britain and the destruction of New England's trade. So Adams ran-and much good it did him. A few weeks before the election, Hamilton, his fellow-federalist and ex-colleague, published an extraordinary pamphlet, A Letter from Alexander Hamilton Concerning the Public Conduct and Character of John Adams Esq, President of the United States. It began,Not denying to Mr Adams patriotism and integrity and
even talents of a certain kind,' and went on to assert that he was unfit for the office of Chief Magistrate,' on account of his eccentricity, lack of sound judgment, inability to persevere,vanity
beyond bounds,' and a jealousy capable of discoloring every subject. The pamphlet was so violent that it has been described as an act of political suicide on Hamilton's part, indicating he was quite unsuited to high office himself. But there is no denying that it harmed Adams too. To be fair to Hamilton, he intended it for private circulation among federalist leaders but (as was foreseeable) it fell into enemy hands, in the shape of Aaron Burr, who promptly insured it had the widest possible circulation. Adams was in a lot of other trouble in any case. In the age of the French Revolution, which had its unscrupulous agents and credulous sympathizers in every civilized country, America, like Britain, had felt obliged to take steps to protect itself. In 1798 Congress had passed, with Adams' approval, the Alien and Sedition Acts. These four measures limited freedom of the press and speech and restricted the activities of aliens, especially French and Irish. They were part of the paranoia of the decade, which infected both sides of the revolutionary argument and predictably led to ludicrous results. In the first case which came before the courts, Luther Baldwin of New Jersey was convicted and fined $100 for wishing that a wad from the presidential saluting- cannon mighthit Adams in the ass.' As in England, ordinary people cared little about such
measures, which affected only the chattering classes. But Jefferson, albeit a member of the