227
The Journey to Work,
Philadelphia, 1850
During the next two decades, the expanding scale of manu-
facturing operations made the craft-dominated workshop
nearly an anachronism. Larger operations required more
work space, and the need to locate near suppliers, customers,
or a source of waterpower meant that the owner’s home
could no longer serve as a workplace. By about 1850, Boston,
New York, Philadelphia, and other cities had sorted them-
selves into commercial and residential districts; the residen-
tial districts further separated into working-class and
employer-class neighborhoods.
Nowadays the term inner cityoften connotes poverty,
andsuburbs, prosperity. But the relationship was reversed in
the mid-nineteenth-century city, as historian Sam Bass
Warner has shown in his study of Philadelphia. In 1850 afflu-
ent Philadelphians resided in the core of the city while factory
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In-migration wards
Out-migration wards
No net migration
In-migration trend
Railroads
KENSINGTON
NORTHERN
LIBERTIES
PASSAYUNK TOWNSHIP
WEST PHILADELPHIA
PENN TOWNSHIP
SPRING
GARDEN
MOYAMENSING
Market Street
Broad Street
Philadelphia, 1850:
workers’ daily journey
to factories
workers lived in shanties and boardinghouses along its out-
skirts. The accompanying map, based on census data for 1850,
shows that fewer factory workers lived in downtown
Philadelphia than were employed by the factories there. Each
day, thousands of factory workers from Penn Township and
the eastern section of Passyunk Township walked into town
to work in downtown factories.
Question for Discussion
■As the maps of Rochester in both 1827 and 1834 show,
journeymen and master shoemakers lived downtown,
on Buffalo-Main Streets; in Philadelphia, a much larger
city, the workers lived in the “out-migration wards” on
the edge of town. What likely explains the difference
between the residence patterns of artisans in Rochester
and Philadelphia?