Political Reform: The States 561
the Chicago school, denounced the local plutocrats but
sang the praises of the city they had made: “Hog
Butcher for the World,” “City of the Big Shoulders.”
Most writers eagerly adopted Freudian psychology
without understanding it. Freud’s teachings seemed
only to mean that they should cast off the restrictions
of Victorian prudery; they ignored his essentially dark
view of human nature. Theirs was an “innocent rebel-
lion,” exuberant and rather muddleheaded.
Political Reform: Cities First
To most “ordinary” progressives, political corruption
and inefficiency lay at the root of the evils plaguing
American society, nowhere more obvious than in the
nation’s cities. Urban life’s anonymity and complexity
help explain why slavery did not flourish in cities, but
also why the previously named vices did flourish. As the
cities grew, their antiquated and boss-ridden administra-
tions became more and more disgraceful. Consider the
example of San Francisco. After 1901, a shrewd lawyer
named Abe Ruef ruled one of the most powerful and
dissolute political machines in the nation. Only one kind
of paving material was used on San Francisco’s streets,
and Ruef was the lawyer for the company that supplied
it. When the gas company asked for a rate increase of ten
cents per 100 cubic feet, Ruef, who was already collect-
ing $1,000 a month from the company as a “retainer,”
demanded and got an outright bribe of $20,000. A
streetcar company needed city authorization to install
overhead trolley wires; Ruef ’s approval cost the com-
pany $85,000. Prostitution flourished, with Ruef and
his henchmen sharing in the profits. There was a brisk
illegal trade in liquor licenses and other favors. Similar
conditions existed in dozens of communities. For his
famous muckraking series in McClure’s, Lincoln Steffens
visited St. Louis, Minneapolis, Pittsburgh, New York,
Chicago, and Philadelphia and found them all riddled
with corruption.
Beginning in the late 1890s progressives mounted
a massive assault on dishonest and inefficient urban
governments. In San Francisco a group headed by
Fremont Older, a newspaperman, and Rudolph
Spreckels, a wealthy sugar manufacturer, broke the
machine and lodged Ruef in jail. In Toledo, Ohio,
Samuel M. “Golden Rule” Jones won election as
mayor in 1897 and succeeded in arousing the citizenry
against the corrupt officials. Other important progres-
sive mayors were Tom L. Johnson of Cleveland
(whose administration Lincoln Steffens called the best
in the United States), Seth Low and John P. Mitchell
of New York and Hazen S. Pingree of Detroit.
City reformers could seldom destroy the machines
without changing urban political institutions. Some
cities obtained “home rule” charters that gave them
greater freedom from state control in dealing with local
matters. Many created research bureaus that investi-
gated government problems in a scientific and nonpar-
tisan manner. A number of middle-sized communities
(Galveston, Texas, was the prototype) experimented
with a system that integrated executive and legislative
powers in the hands of a small elected commission,
thereby concentrating responsibility and making it eas-
ier to coordinate complex activities. Out of this experi-
ment came the city manager system, under which the
commissioners appointed a professional manager to
administer city affairs on a nonpartisan basis. Dayton,
Ohio, which adopted the plan after a flood devastated
the town in 1913, offers the best illustration of the city
manager system in the Progressive Era.
Once the political system had been made respon-
sive to the desires of the people, the progressives
hoped to use it to improve society itself. Many cities
experimented with “gas and water socialism,” taking
over public utility companies and operating them as
departments of the municipal government. Under
“Golden Rule” Jones, Toledo established a minimum
wage for city employees, built playgrounds and golf
courses, and moderated its harsh penal code. Mayor
Seth Low improved New York’s public transportation
system and obtained passage of the tenement house
law of 1901. Mayor Tom Johnson forced a fare cut to
three cents on the Cleveland street railways.
Political Reform: The States
To carry out this kind of change required the support
of state legislatures since all municipal government
depends on the authority of a sovereign state. Such
approval was often difficult to obtain—local bosses
were usually entrenched in powerful state machines,
and rural majorities insensitive to urban needs con-
trolled most legislatures. Therefore the progressives
had to strike at inefficiency and corruption at the
state level too.
Oklahoma City
Agrarian Tulsa
Socialism,
Oklahoma,
1912
30
15
Percentage of
presidential
Socialist vote:
Rural SocialismSocialist strength extended far beyond the cities.
Socialists in rural areas called for tenants to be allowed to work on
state-owned plots of land. In 1912, Socialist candidates received
nearly half the vote in southern Oklahoma.