The American Nation A History of the United States, Combined Volume (14th Edition)

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768 Chapter 29 From Camelot to Watergate: 1961–1975


withdrew the missiles, and reduced his military estab-
lishment in Cuba to modest proportions. In response,
Kennedy lifted the blockade. He also promised not to
invade Cuba, thus ensuring Castro’s survival;
Kennedy further agreed to withdraw U.S. missiles
from Turkey, though this latter concession was not
made public at the time.
Immediately the president was hailed for his
steady nerve and consummate statesmanship; the
Cuban missile crisis was widely regarded as his finest
hour. Yet in retrospect it appears that he may have
overreacted. The Soviet nuclear threat had been exag-
gerated. After Sputnik, the Soviet long-range missile
program flopped, though this was not known at the
time. By the summer of 1962 a “missile gap” existed,
but it was overwhelmingly in favor of the United
States, whose nuclear forces outnumbered those of
the Soviet Union by a ratio of seventeen to one.
Khrushchev’s decision to put medium-range missiles
in Cuba signified Soviet weakness rather than impend-
ing aggression. Both Kennedy and Khrushchev were
sobered by the Cuban missile crisis; afterward nei-
ther spoke so glibly about superpower confrontation.
They signed a treaty outlawing nuclear testing in the
atmosphere. But Khrushchev’s bluff had been called—
a public humiliation from which he never recovered.
Within two years, hard-liners in the Kremlin forced
him out of office. He was replaced by Leonid


Brezhnev, an old-style Stalinist who
inaugurated an intensive program
of long-range missile development.
The nuclear arms race moved to
new terrain, uncertain and unimag-
inably dangerous.

JFK’s Vietnam War


Truman’s attempt to prevent Ho
Chi Minh’s communist insurgents
from seizing Vietnam failed when
the French army surrendered to
Ho’s troops at Dien Bien Phu in


  1. Eisenhower, equally unwill-
    ing to accept a communist victory,
    then supported creation of an
    anticommunist South Vietnam,
    headed by Ngo Dinh Diem, a
    Vietnamese nationalist who hated
    the communists. While the United
    States poured millions of dollars
    into strengthening Diem’s South
    Vietnam, and especially its army,
    Ho Chi Minh consolidated his
    rule in North Vietnam. Those
    Viet Minh units that remained in
    the South—they came to be known as Vietcong—
    were instructed to form secret cells and bide their
    time. During the late 1950s they gained in strength
    and militancy.
    In May 1959 Ho decided that the time had
    come to overthrow Diem. Vietcong guerrillas infil-
    trated thousands of villages, ambushed South
    Vietnamese convoys, and assassinated government
    officials. Soon the Vietcong controlled large sections
    of the countryside, some almost within sight of the
    capital city of Saigon.
    By the time Kennedy took office, Diem’s govern-
    ment was tottering. As a senator, Kennedy had
    endorsed Diem and the attempt to build a noncom-
    munist South Vietnam. He called it the “cornerstone
    of the Free World in Southeast Asia, the keystone in
    the arch, the finger in the dike.” After the Bay of Pigs
    debacle, furthermore, Kennedy worried that his credi-
    bility with Khrushchev had been damaged. “If he
    thinks I’m inexperienced and have no guts,” he told
    an aide, “we won’t get anywhere with him. So we have
    to act.” Vietnam, he added, “looks like the place.”
    Kennedy sharply increased the American military
    and economic commitment to South Vietnam. At the
    end of 1961 there were 3,200 American military per-
    sonnel in the country; within two years, there were
    more than 16,000, and 120 American soldiers had been
    killed. Despite the expanded effort, by the summer of


This photograph, taken by an American U-2 spy plane and released during the Cuban missile
crisis, shows the installation of liquid-fueled Soviet missiles. Khrushchev expected that the
missiles could be kept secret. “Our military specialists informed us that strategic missiles can be
reliably concealed in the palm forests of Cuba,” one of Khrushchev’s advisers recalled.
Khrushchev, who assumed that the missiles would be harder to spot if they were in a horizontal
position, ordered them to be placed in an upright position only at night. This was a mistake: The
U-2 was easily able to detect the missiles in their horizontal position.

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