The Economist - UK (2019-06-01)

(Antfer) #1

36 United States The EconomistJune 1st 2019


“T


here’s no compromisein Washing-
ton right now. But the good thing is,
there’s compromise in Texas,” says Michael
Hinojosa, superintendent of the Dallas In-
dependent School District. On May 27th
Texan legislators, who meet for 140 days ev-
ery other year, concluded their session,
having passed several bills with bipartisan
support, including ones related to public
education and property tax. It was the most
productive legislative session in a decade.
Much of the credit for that should go to
voters in the 2018 election, who introduced
political competition into the legislature,
with Democrats winning two state Senate
seats and 12 seats in the House. (Republi-
cans now control 55% of seats in the state
House and 61% in the Senate.) This prodded
Republicans to work on issues of conse-
quence to voters and to broker consensus.
Far-right proposals on social issues that
had sparked battles during the 2017 legisla-
tive session, including regulations on
which toilets transgender people could
use, were less frequent this spring. “The
major story is what this session wasn’t
about, which is the conservative issues
that have been bandied about for the last
decade. There was a real effort to get sub-
stantive things done,” says Jason Sabo of
Frontera Strategies, a lobbying firm.
The chief accomplishment in this legis-
lative session was a school finance bill,
which puts $6.5bn in new state funding to-
wards public schools and $5.1bn towards
reducing Texans’ property taxes. The addi-
tional school funding will have the biggest
impact. Around 10% of American children
are educated in Texas, but the parsimoni-
ous state has lagged behind for years in
funding and exam results. The Republican-
led legislature cut over $5bn in education
funding in 2012-13. School districts have
sued the state several times for underfund-
ing education, and they have won.
In 2017 Texas ranked 46th in the country
in fourth-grade reading proficiency, down
five places since 2015, according to the Na-
tional Assessment of Educational Progress,
which measures pupil achievement. A re-
port by the Texas Commission on Public
School Finance, released in December,
concluded that the state was failing
roughly four out of five Texas pupils every
year, who were leaving school without the
qualifications to earn a living wage. This, it
said, was both a poor return on the
$125,000 invested in each pupil’s educa-

tion from pre-kindergarten and a missed
opportunity “to capture the tremendous
unrealised potential of our Texas youth”.
The new bill will increase most school
districts’ funding by around 5-6%, but the
“systemic reforms” will matter even more,
says Todd Williams, who runs the Commit
Partnership, an educational non-profit,
and served on the commission. These in-
clude money for full-day pre-kindergarten
for poor pupils and those learning English;
funds for elementary schools that elect to
extend the academic year by 30 days into
the summer; and a merit-pay programme
that rewards top-performing teachers and
those willing to work in difficult schools.

Houston, we have a solution
The bill pays school districts more for each
high-school graduate who goes on to earn a
higher degree or certificate, or joins the
armed forces within six months. It also re-
quires school districts to set five-year goals
for third-grade (eight-to-nine-year-olds’)
reading and maths, broken down by race
and income, and to publish results annual-
ly. “What gets measured gets fixed, and this
bill will require all 1,100 school districts to
hold themselves accountable to specific
goals,” says Mr Williams.
In an effort to appease voters concerned
not just about school quality but also their

tax bills, the legislature also agreed to re-
duce property taxes. School districts will
no longer be able to raise them above a cer-
tain threshold each year without holding
a special election. Boosting education
spending while thinning revenue streams
is a delicate balancing act, but because the
state has promised to step in and cover the
cost of the tax cuts for homeowners, this
should not deal a big blow to schools.
Where will the money to increase fund-
ing, while cutting taxes, come from? The
Texan economy is booming, and so legisla-
tors were able to reshuffle money to fund
education and tax cuts for the next two
years without identifying a permanent
new revenue source. “They have to count
on this robust economy continuing,” says
Mr Hinojosa of the Dallas school district,
who says that “in the short term we’re bet-
ter off. But I’m more worried about four or
five years from now”.
Texas does not have an income tax, so
the state and local governments rely dis-
proportionately on sales and property tax-
es. In order to ensure sustainable funding
for education, the state should do all it can
to prevent small amounts of money from
slipping away, says Dick Lavine of the Cen-
tre for Public Policy Priorities, a left-lean-
ing think-tank in Austin. But a couple of
other tax cuts made it through this legisla-
tive session, including a bill that caps the
sales tax that can be collected on purchases
of boats and yachts up to 115 feet long,
which will cost the state $6.4m in forgone
revenue from 2020 to 2024.
Governor Greg Abbott, lieutenant-go-
vernor Dan Patrick and the House Speaker,
Dennis Bonnen, known as the state’s “big
three”, have enjoyed mostly smooth sail-
ing. They faced only two setbacks this ses-
sion. First, although the three of them sup-
ported a proposal to increase the sales-tax
rate to fund property-tax cuts, the legisla-
ture killed the idea, because it would dis-
proportionately hurt the poor. Second, Mr
Abbott’s nominee for secretary of state, Da-
vid Whitley, was ensnared in a scandal.
Earlier this year Mr Whitley compiled a list
of 100,000 people the state suspected were
not citizens and encouraged local election
officials to purge them from the rolls, even
though some were recently naturalised.
The incident prompted a federal inquiry
and court battle, and Texas agreed to settle.
Mr Whitley resigned after the legislature
did not vote to confirm him.
Is this focus on bread-and-butter issues
in the Texas legislature the new normal?
That will not be clear until 2021, when the
legislature next convenes. In the interim
there will be another election that could
further alter the state’s political alignment,
as more young, urban and Hispanic voters
go to the polls in 2020. If this session is any
guide this may make Texas politics com-
paratively boring—in a good way. 7

DALLAS
Texan politicians put money behind moderate, sensible policies

The Texas legislature wraps up

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