The Economist - UK (2019-06-01)

(Antfer) #1

50 Asia The EconomistJune 1st 2019


P


olitical transitionsare rarely plain
sailing in Papua New Guinea (png). The
country’s prime ministers like to cling to
office regardless of mass desertions of
their political allies to their opponents’
side. Its parliamentary speakers defy the
rules to keep their jobs. Governments
sometimes put pressure on the judiciary
and office of the governor-general to help
them stay in power. So it was in 2011 during
the political turmoil that eventually result-
ed in Peter O’Neill taking over as png’s
prime minister. And so it has been again re-
cently, as he has fought to keep his job. Fi-
nally, on May 29th, he tendered his resig-
nation to avoid the humiliation of defeat in
an impending vote of no-confidence.
While in office Mr O’Neill presided over
a boom in the export of minerals. A $19bn
project, launched in 2014, involved the ex-
traction of liquid natural gas in the South-
ern Highlands, a province. It is the biggest
ever private-sector investment in png. But
Mr O’Neill’s opponents say it has brought
little benefit to local people. Paul Flanagan,
a former treasury official in png, says the
country’s living standards have been fall-
ing in the past five years.
A no-confidence motion against Mr
O’Neill was originally due to take place in
February. But he avoided it by declaring a
three-month suspension of parliament. In
April discontent grew over another natu-
ral-gas deal, worth $13bn, with ExxonMo-
bil, Total and Oil Search, a local firm in
which the government has a big stake.
Some politicians alleged that its terms
were too opaque, and appeared to favour
the foreign companies. Some of Mr
O’Neill’s cabinet colleagues agreed. First
the finance minister, James Marape, re-
signed. Others soon followed.
On May 7th Mr O’Neill suspended par-
liament for another three weeks. When it
reconvened it became clear that he could
no longer stem the tide. By resigning before
the no-confidence motion, Mr O’Neill al-
lowed ministers and pro-government leg-
islators to regroup behind Mr Marape as his
replacement. Mr Marape won the resulting
election by 101 votes to eight. He is unlikely
to push for big changes in policy.
Australia may have reason to miss Mr
O’Neill. He won much favour there for ac-
cepting unwanted seekers of asylum in
Australia, many of them from war-afflicted
regions, on a remote island. Other coun-
tries will wonder how the leadership

changeinpngwillaffecttheirinterests.
BothChinaandAmericahavebeentrying
tocourtfavourtheretostrengthentheirin-
fluenceina regionofstrategicimportance.
Theyhavebeenpouringmoneyintoinfra-
structure.Americahaspledgedtohelpre-
builda mothballednavalbase.
ButMrO’Neill’sdeparturewillbelittle
mournedathome.Hecametopowerin
2011 pledgingtofightcorruption.Therehas
beenlittleprogress. Hisremote, moun-
tainouscountryremainsmiredinpoverty.
Nearly90%ofits8mcitizensliveinrural
areas.Manyofthemaresubsistencefarm-
erswithnegligibleaccesstostateservices.
Hissuccessorfacesa colossalchallenge. 7

Massive energy deals trigger the
resignation of a prime minister

Politics in Papua New Guinea

A departure


unmourned


A


rms aloft, Noriko Suematsu three
times chants her victory cry: “Banzai!”
She has just won a third consecutive term
as mayor of the city of Suzuka in Mie, a pre-
fecture in central Honshu, Japan’s main is-
land. To pose for the cameras recording her
triumph, she is given a lobster and a red
sea-bream—auspicious celebratory props
often used by politicians. This time is dif-
ferent from her two previous wins. “It was
my first time winning the race uncon-
tested,” she confesses. “It felt strange.”
Odd perhaps, but such walkovers are far
from uncommon. In the most recent na-
tionwide local elections, held in April, 30%
of city mayors ran uncontested, up slightly
from the previous poll in 2015. A whopping
45% of mayors in towns and villages were
elected unopposed. A record number of lo-
cal-assembly members, elected in each

municipality, also won seats with zero
votes. In some rural areas there were more
assembly seats than candidates.
The number of uncontested races has
been climbing since the early 1990s, partic-
ularly in the countryside. One reason is
that the population is falling and the pool
of candidates is shrinking. The National
Institute of Population and Social Security
Research, a government think-tank, reck-
ons about 95% of local municipalities will
have fewer residents by 2045. Already, 80%
are experiencing declining populations.
At the same time, interest in local elec-
tions is sagging. In the 1950s more than
four-fifths of the electorate would vote in
local races. But in April turnout sank to re-
cord lows, under 50%. Voters have been put
off by frequent scandals, from petty cor-
ruption to sexual harassment. Moreover,
“people don’t understand what these local
lawmakers do,” says Ken Victor Leonard Hi-
jino of Kyoto University.
Despite a small increase in young and
female lawmakers—like Ms Suematsu,
who is in her forties—local politics is still
dominated by old men. “In these munici-
palities, candidates are so old they have a
hard time putting up election posters,” says
Shigeki Uno of the Nippon Institute for Re-
search Advancement, another think-tank.
Indeed, three-quarters of town and village
assembly members are over 60. The oldest,
aged 91, holds a seat on a city assembly in
Shizuoka, in central Japan.
Young people are loth to stand because
local politics is not a financially rewarding
profession. The law bans assembly mem-
bers from holding other jobs concurrently.
Their pay averages around ¥300,000
($2,740) a month, hardly enough to support
young families. “It’s basically a job for the
retired,” sniffs Mr Uno. And for little pay,
the workload is onerous.
There has been talk of allowing local
lawmakers to hold second jobs and to con-
vene meetings out of office hours. Some
towns have raised wages. One almost dou-
bled salaries for assembly members under
50, from ¥180,000 a month to ¥300,000. A
couple of depopulated villages on Shikoku
island are thinking of abolishing the elect-
ed assembly in favour of a system of direct
democracy based on referendums.
None of this on its own, however, seems
likely to end the spate of uncontested polls.
“We need to spread the word about the ap-
peal of being involved in local politics,”
says Ken Nakamura, a former mayor who
now leads Waseda University’s Research
Institute of Manifesto. Local politicians
have a lot of say in policies relating to
everything from child care to road safety.
He hopes that, when children are asked
about their dream job, more of them will
say “politician”. That might make Japan un-
ique. At least it might encourage more to
become voters when they grow up. 7

SUZUKA, MIE PREFECTURE
Local assemblies are running out of
members—and voters

Local government in Japan

No contest

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