The Wall Street Journal - USA (2020-12-07)

(Antfer) #1

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL. **** Monday, December 7, 2020 |R7


compensation is increas-
ingly stock-based.
The buyback trend has
become controversial since
a 2014 article by Prof.
Lazonick in the Harvard
Business Review, “Profits
Without Prosperity.” The
S&P 500 companies that
had been publicly listed
from 2003 through 2012, he
found, had spent amounts
equal to 54% of their earn-
ings for buybacks and 37%
for dividends, leaving “very
little for investments in pro-
ductive capabilities or higher
incomes for employees.”
Critics say this formula-
tion exaggerates buybacks’
impact by implying that
funds for research and de-
velopment and capital
spending come solely out of
net income, and ignores
that much of the buyback
spending merely offsets
new issues of stock.
Prof. Lazonick also de-
cried rising CEO pay, “mass
plant closings” and offshor-
ing “millions of unionized
blue-collar jobs.” Maximizing
shareholder value with buy-
backs was “predatory value
extraction,” he said.
If nothing else, the critics
argue that cutting the num-
ber of shares outstanding
can help executives hit
earnings-per-share targets;
49% of big companies link
executive pay to EPS.
The MSCI study found
that as buybacks soared
since 1988, dividends held
relatively steady at around
2% of assets. But capital
spending has fallen from
7.4% in the 1990s to 4% in
the past five years. Spend-
ing for R&D also has
dropped, from 3% to 2.3%.
That supports the notion
that buybacks may detract
from spending for growth.
However, MSCI found buy-
backs haven’t hurt 10-year
capital returns at most com-
panies. Analysts link some
of the drop in capital spend-
ing for physical facilities to
the rise of tech companies,
many of which are “capital
light,” investing in software
development versus hard-
ware or manufacturing.

Where do political
parties stand?
The political push to curtail
buybacks comes mainly
from progressive Democrats.
For instance, last year,
Sen. Chuck Schumer (D.,
N.Y.) joined Vermont pro-
gressive Bernie Sanders in
urging that companies be
required to address their
workers’ needs, including
pay and benefits, before
planning buybacks. A House
subcommittee held a hear-
ing on buyback limits, and
the Senate convened a
panel led by Prof. Lazonick.
Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D.,
Mass.) also backed limits
during her presidential cam-
paign. Another Senate Dem-
ocrat, Sherrod Brown of
Ohio, also introduced a bill in
2019 to require companies
to give bonuses to employ-
ees tied to the value of their
buybacks and dividend in-
creases.
“Buybacks suppress
wages, drive income and
wealth inequality” and allow
“speculators to extract value
from public companies,” Sen.
Tammy Baldwin (D., Wis.)
said last year in re-introduc-
ing her Reward Work Act,
to ban open-market buy-
backs and require employee
board seats. The bill didn’t
move out of committee.
Some Republicans sup-
port milder measures. For
instance, Sen. Marco Rubio
(R., Fla.) wrote in the Atlan-
tic in late 2018 that stocks
sold in corporate buybacks
should be taxed at the
same rate as dividends.
But Republican Trey Hol-
lingsworth of Indiana at the
House hearing called the is-
sue of buybacks versus
worker pay a “fake choice,”
saying that wages are set
by workforce supply and
that demand, and buybacks
are “separate decisions.”

What happens now?
With Democrats in the
White House, “this is an is-

sue that’s going to be on
the table” if they also take
the Senate, says Tom
Quaadman, head of the cen-
ter for capital-markets com-
petitiveness at the U.S.
Chamber of Commerce.
Legislation is less likely if
Republicans hold the Senate

after two Georgia runoffs
next month.
But a Democratic-led Se-
curities and Exchange Com-
mission could enact
tougher disclosure require-
ments by itself. During the
campaign, President-elect
Joe Biden criticized buy-

backs and expressed sup-
port for tighter regulatory
supervision—but not a pro-
gressive Baldwin-style ban
nor Schumer-Sanders over-
hauls.
The Council of Institu-
tional Investors, for example,
has urged disclosure of how

buyback plans affect execu-
tive compensation, and faster
two-day reporting on execu-
tions. A ban might not pass
even if Democrats win a Sen-
ate majority because most
legislation needs 60 votes.
Should investors care?
Buybacks support the market
when it needs it. Notably,
buybacks executed by Gold-
man Sachs clients accounted
for 4.1% of all their stocks’
buy orders in 2017-19, Gold-
man says. So banning or lim-
iting them could hit the size
of 401(k) nest eggs, al-
though estimates vary of
any possible impact.

Mr. Smith, a former financial
reporter for The Wall Street
Journal, is a writer in New
York. He can be reached at
[email protected].

for growth, acquisitions, paying
down debt or paying dividends.
Legalized in 1982 by the
Reagan administration, buy-
backs took off after a 1992
tax bill capped corporate tax
deductions for top executives’
pay at $1 million, but left a
loophole for “performance”
pay tied to stocks. Now, with
stocks and options making up
about two-thirds of C-suite
pay, many buybacks merely
offset new issues to execu-
tives and employees.
They are used most heav-
ily by mature tech companies
likeAppleInc.,Microsoft
Corp. andOracleCorp., while
shunned by a small but fierce
minority led byAmazon.com
Inc. andNetflixInc. A decade
ago,Exxon MobilCorp. did
the most. This year,Berk-
shire HathawayInc. jumped
in big with $15.7 billion to
shrink a $146 billion cash pile.
A study of 610 companies
over three decades by a
stock-analysis unit ofMSCI
Inc. found the most active re-
purchasers were “older, more
established” companies first
listed between 1980 and
2001.. Many companies begin
with “one big idea,” and ride
through their life cycle with-
out another, says Rene Stulz,
a business-school professor at
Ohio State University. The re-
sult is that as companies get
older, they don’t need as

much cash to invest in new
growth initiatives.
MSCI also found that buy-
backs began moving up
steadily from less than 1% of
the companies’ assets before
1994 to an average of 4.1%
for the past five years. The
percentage of companies in
the S&P 500 doing buybacks
has more than doubled to
85% since 1992, according to
research by Goldman Sachs.
In the current low-inter-
est-rate environment, many
companies have taken on
more debt, whose interest
cost can be tax-deductible, to
buy back shares whose divi-
dends may be more costly.
Corporate debt levels at 20-
year highs have financed
much of the buyback binge.

What are the
arguments in favor of
buybacks?
Money managers at mutual-
fund giantsFidelity Invest-
ments and T. Rowe Price
Group say buybacks generally
help drive higher stock valua-
tions. Goldman strategist Da-
vid Kostin says companies
can vary buybacks as earn-
ings fluctuate, while keeping
“steady growth in dividends,”
avoiding a dividend cut that
can hurt the stock.
“Buybacks are really just
dividends with a different
kind of shell around them,”
says Ric Marshall, lead author
of the MSCI study. “They’re
just a tool for moving positive
cash flow to investors. Most
professional investors would
say they’re happy with them.”
Reducing a company’s
share count via buybacks can
increase earnings per share, a
key valuation metric. And in-
vestors who sell shares and
receive buyback proceeds can
redirect the cash to different
companies with better growth
prospects, including venture-
backed startups or IPOs.

What are the
arguments against?
Critics led by William Lazon-
ick, economics professor
emeritus at the University of
Massachusetts Lowell, say
buybacks starve companies
of cash for innovation and
worker pay, and favor execu-
tives aiming to jack up the
stock prices because their

Continued from page R1

CHRIS RATCLIFFE/BLOOMBERG NEWS


YeaorNay:


Buybacks


Many tech
companies love
them. Democrats
hate them. Get
ready for a focus
on buybacks.

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JOURNAL REPORT|INVESTING IN FUNDS & ETFS



Amazon.com is
one tech that
shuns buybacks.

NY
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