Private Vices,  Public  Benefits,   to  undermine   Shaftesbury’s   view    that    social  affections  and a   sense   of
rational    restraint   could   help    to  mitigate    the selfishness underlying  an  enjoyment   of  material    wealth. To
Mandeville, what    appears as  virtue  is  often   actually    vice    (pride, vanity, egoism) in  disguise.   He
considered, however,    that    vices   such    as  selfindulgence  in  luxury  had a   positive    role    to  play    in
stimulating the wealth  and wellbeing   of  a   nation: where,  for example,    would   the fashion industry    be,
without the “vice”  of  pride?  In  this    way,    private vices   might   produce public  virtue, rather  than    having  to
be  mitigated   by  personal    virtues.    Other   theorists   praised the potential   of  luxury  while   failing to  identify    it,
as  Mandeville  had done,   as  a   byproduct   of  vice.   JeanFrançois    Melon   (1675–1738) in  his  Essay  on
Commerce    (Essai  sur le  commerce,   1734),  Voltaire    in  The Worldly One (Le Mondain,    1736),  Jean
François    de  Saint   Lambert (1716–1803) in  his article “Luxury”    (Luxe)  in  the Encyclopédie    and
GeorgesMarie    ButelDumont (1725–1788) in  his  Theory or  Treatise    on  Luxury  (Théorie    ou  Traité  du
luxe,   1771)   helped  to  popularize  similar messages    about   the benefits    of  luxury, variously   perceived   as  the
marker  of  a   civilized   nation, a   stimulus    to  employment  and generator   of  wealth. Francis Hutcheson
challenged  Mandeville’s    elevation   of  “vice,” questioning the social  usefulness  of  spending    on  luxuries
and reasserting the importance  of  a   “moral  sense”  in  human   beings  that    was compatible  with    the pleasures
gained  from    wealth, especially  when    gained  from    industriousness.    This    positive    ideology    informed    many
portraits   of  elite   families,   such    as  Hogarth’s   Wollaston   Family  (1730).
David   Hume    also    took    a   more    positive    view    of  the possibility of  combining   strong  moral   impulses    with
the pursuit of  material    wealth  essential   to  a   commercial  society (Susato,    2006,   167–168).   In  his essay   “Of
Refinement  in  the Arts”   (1752), he  saw wealth  derived from    knowledge   and industriousness as  an  asset,
rather  than    as  a   deterrent,  to  refined manners and humanity.   Of  the wealthy,    he  said:
They    flock   into    cities; love    to  receive and communicate knowledge;  to  show    their   wit or  their
breeding;   their   taste   in  conversation    or  living, in  clothes or  furniture....   Both    sexes   meet    in  an  easy    and
sociable    manner; and the tempers of  men,    as  well    as  their   behaviour,  refine  apace.  So  that,   besides the
improvements    which   they    receive from    knowledge   and the liberal arts,   it  is  impossible  but they    must
feel    an  encrease    [sic]   in  humanity...
(Cited  in  Solkin, 1993,   157)A   blending    of  wealth  with    humanity    was visible in  the eighteenthcentury   propensity  of  the rich    to
support and visit   charitable  institutions    such    as  the Foundling   Hospital,   where   they    were    received    in
splendidly  decorated   public  rooms   (Solkin,    1993,   159–162).   Adam    Smith,  a   student of  Hutcheson’s,
situated    the debate  about   material    wealth  in  a   historical  context,    in  his The Wealth  of  Nations,    by
explaining  how societies   had evolved over    the centuries   away    from    a   concern with    the basic   necessities
of  life    to  a   concern with    “amusements”    or  “luxury,”   as  opulence    spread  more    widely  across  populations.
While   seeing  commerce    as  a   positive    force   in  society,    he  did not approve of  greedy  or  irresponsible
companies,  thus    highlighting    more    than    Mandeville  the human   virtues of  restraint   and social  responsibility
(Smith, 1970,   480).   To  LouisSébastien  Mercier,    however,    in  his utopian work    of  1770,    The    Year    2440:
A   Dream   if  Ever    There   Was One (L’An   2440:   rêve    s’il    en  fut jamais),    the taste   for luxury  generated
colonial    bloodshed,  mental  dysfunction and moral   bankruptcy  (Terjanian, 2013,   51–53); and Voltaire
became  less    positive    about   the effects of  luxury  in  the wake    of  the race    for colonial    riches  that    constituted
the Seven   Years   War (Terjanian, 2013,   54).    As  European    countries   established their   colonies    in  North
America,    the quest   for riches  became  associated  with    absentee    landlords   of  slave   plantations,    neglect of
their   homeland    estates,    the excesses    of  royal   estates,    servitude,  addiction   and personal    debt    (Terjanian,
2013,   57–67).
Genre   and audience    played  important   roles   in  the approaches  to  luxury  in  visual  culture.    Artists such    as
Paret   y   Alcazar,    Hogarth and Joseph  van Aken    (c.1699–1749)   completed   conversation    pieces  or  serious