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84 Joseph E. Inikori



  1. Gemery and Hogendorn, 'The Economic Costs of West African Participation in the
    Atlantic Slave Trade'.

  2. Williams, op. cit., p. 255.

  3. Gemery and Hogendorn, 'Technological Change, Slavery, and the Slave Trade'.

  4. ibid.

  5. John W. Blake, European Beginnings in West Africa, 1454-1578, p. 23, London, Long-
    man, 1937.

  6. It is said that the plantation economy of Zanzibar and Pemba developed in the 1820s
    following restrictions imposed by the British on the slave trade of the Swahili
    coast. Thereafter profits from the slave trade contributed to the expansion of those
    plantations: Nicholls, The Swahili Coast, p. 203.

  7. A. J. H. Latham, 'Currency, Credit and Capitalism on the Cross River in the Pre-
    Colonial Era', Journal of African History, Vol. XII, No. 4, 1971, p. 604.

  8. J. D. Fage, 'Slavery and the Slave Trade in the Context of West African History',
    Journal of African History, Vol. X, No. 3, 1969; Peter Morton-Williams, 'The Oyo
    Yoruba and the Atlantic Trade, 1670-1830', Journal of the Historical Society of
    Nigeria, Vol. Ill, No. 1, December 1964; Michael Mason, 'Population Density and
    "Slave Raiding"—the Case of the Middle Belt of Nigeria', Journal of African
    History, Vol. X, No. 4, 1969; M. B. Gleave and R. M. Prothero, 'Population
    Density and "Slave Raiding"—A Comment', Journal of African History, Vol. XII,
    No. 2, 1971; Roger T. Anstey, The Atlantic Slave Trade, p. 58-88.

  9. If that had been the case those territories could not have sustained the slave trade for
    over 400 years.

  10. P. D. Curtin, 'The Slave Trade and the Atlantic Basin: Intercontinental Perspectives',
    in N. I. Huggins, M. Kilson and D. M. Fox (eds.), Key Issues in the Afro-American
    Experience, p. 39-53, Vol. I, New York, 1971.

  11. Fogel and Engerman, Time on the Cross, p. 132. The factor of slave breeding is dis-
    missed by the authors as an erroneous idea disseminated by the anti-slavery move-
    ment. In fact, they argue that if slave-breeding methods were adopted by the slave-
    holders the effects on reproduction rates would have been negative due to the
    psychological effects they would have had on the female slaves. See Fogel and
    Engerman, op. cit., p. 78-86.

  12. Sara S. Berry, Cocoa, Custom, and Socio-Economic Change in Rural Western Nigeria,
    Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1975.

  13. Hopkins, op. cit., p. 77.

  14. Allan G. B. Fisher and Humphrey J. Fisher, Slavery and Muslim Society in Africa:
    The Institution in Saharan and Sudanic Africa and the Trans-Saharan Trade, p. 59,
    London, C. Hurst, 1970.

  15. Fisher and Fisher, op. cit., p. 160.

  16. Basil Davidson, 'Slaves or Captives? Some Notes on Fantasy and Fact', in Huggins,
    Kilson and Fox (eds.), op. cit., p. 69.

  17. J. R. Gray and D. Birmingham, ' Some Economic and Political Consequences of Trade
    in Central and Eastern Africa in the Pre-Colonial Period', in J. R. Gray and D. Bir-
    mingham (eds.), Pre-Colonial African Trade : Essays on Trade in Central and Eastern
    Africa before 1900, p. 18-19, London, 1970.

  18. C.103/130: 'Captain George Hamilton to Thomas Hall', Annamaboe, 3 August 1740.

  19. ibid., 24 December 1738.

  20. K. Y. Daaku cites two cases among British slave-merchants in 1689 and 1706, respec-
    tively: K. Y. Daaku, Trade and Politics, op. cit., p. 30.

  21. C. 113/274 Part 4, folios 275-6. The letter is undated, but it should be early eighteenth
    century.

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