Gangster State

All of this relates to the stick end of Magashule’s political scheming.
But he and his allies wielded plenty of carrots too. Branch members
who stayed on their side were treated to luxury accommodation and
other perks during provincial conferences. To fund this largesse,
Magashule leaned on companies that got contracts from his provincial
government. This practice seems to reaffirm the view that Magashule
captured his province’s finances in order to benefit from revenues
earned by various contractors, whether for personal gain or political
survival.
Magashule’s conduct in his dual role as provincial premier and party
chairperson is indicative of someone who harboured equal disregard
for both spheres of power. As we have seen, as premier he oversaw a
provincial administration that bent, broke or bulldozed over the clearly
defined laws and prescripts that are meant to ensure proper
procurement. In this regard, the auditor-general’s reports on the Free
State alone provide ample evidence. As ANC chairperson, Magashule
led a party apparatus that consistently decimated the century-old
liberation movement’s proud tradition of participatory democracy.
There are strong indications that Magashule had no qualms about
getting his hands dirty to help keep his bloc in power. In March 2011 ,
the Free State ANC’s Winburg branch held a branch general meeting at
the local town hall.^12 The municipal elections were just two months
away and the branch had to nominate its candidates for councillors.
Magashule was present to chair the meeting, which soon turned violent
amid fierce contestation between two nominees from opposing camps.
It was later alleged that Magashule had insisted on a candidate who did
not enjoy the branch’s support. Branch member Joel Maleka, who
supported the rival candidate, told this story to the media: I was one of