Gangster State

municipality, and in early 2017 , he joined the FSHS, just before
Kaykaysim became a subcontractor on projects for the department.
One source told me that Mofokeng was a ‘fixer’ for Magashule.
Sothoane’s link to Mofokeng was an important discovery. The young
businesswoman, who now sat with at least R 1 million of FSHS funds
channelled to her through the Mpambanis’ 605 Consulting, was
spending time in the company of one of Magashule’s alleged fixers.
Politically, this was a crucial period for Magashule. Like Igo
Mpambani before her, Sothoane seemed to be ideally positioned to help
finance the premier’s political campaigns.
Sources who attended a Provincial General Council gathering in Parys
in November 2017 alleged that Sothoane had been present on the
sidelines. As we’ll see in the next chapter, the PGC was apparently
called in a last-minute effort to validate the Free State’s support of
Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma for the upcoming elective conference at
Nasrec.
By the time the PGC commenced, Sothoane was driving around in a
sporty white-and-red Mini Cooper, which she had presumably bought
with a portion of Kaykaysim’s windfall from the FSHS. One contact
said she was ‘very busy’ during that time, driving around Parys in her
conspicuous Mini.
I asked Sothoane if she attended the PGC or any other ANC
gatherings after her company received money from 605 Consulting.
‘Why would I be at that meeting? I don’t recall going to any ANC
meeting. I don’t even have a membership,’ she replied in a text
message. I also asked about her relationship with Mofokeng, the
former staffer in Magashule’s office, but she did not respond.
Like the #GuptaLeaks, the IgoFiles have a cut-off point. The