198 thE sudan handbooksucceeded – perhaps over generations – in retaining the respect and
even affection of their people, largely through maintaining the delicate
balance by which they keep government satisfied whilst still appearing
to defend the interests of the local communities. The means by which
they accomplish this may sometimes be surprising, including resorting to
armed struggle either for or against the government, so long as they can
convince people that they are acting in their interests. Apparent political
malleability can therefore be a tactical strategy by traditional leaders to
maintain good community relations with successive governments. On
the other hand, many enjoy only limited popular support, largely because
they are seen to have placed government or their own interests above
the good of the chiefdom. It is not seen as particularly shocking to profit
from one’s position, but traditional leaders quickly lose authority if they
are seen to act against the interests of the majority or the most powerful
groups within their administration.
If we abandon romantic visions of traditional tribal leadership, it is
apparent that it is the link between communal resources and Native
Administration that is most critical to the importance of the latter. As we
have seen, no effective alternative has yet been found for the settlement
of inter-communal disputes over natural resources. Conversely some
traditional leaders in eastern Sudan and elsewhere have lost authority by
reportedly selling communal land to government or private investors. In
northern Sudan, the tribal dar territories have been partially re-recognized
by the NIF/NCP governments, reviving their association with the
Native Administration unit of a nazarah. Tribal units that were formerly
placed under dar-owning tribes have long struggled for independent
political recognition and an accompanying territory. Such struggles
offer opportunities for governments and politicians to intervene to gain
support and manipulate divisions. Even in Southern Sudan, where dars
have never been formally created, land rights are bound up with the
system of traditional administration. Chiefs do not own the land, but
their legitimacy in some areas rests heavily on their ability to defend
communal land rights against the new pressures of displacement andThe Sudan Handbook, edited by John Ryle, Justin Willis, Suliman Baldo and Jok Madut Jok. © 2011 Rift Valley Institute and contributors urbanization.
(www.riftvalley.net).