haviors, and ‘‘models’’ because they are cognitive rep-
resentations of relationship experiences. In other
words, children store knowledge about relationships,
especially knowledge about safety and danger, in
models that guide their future interactions. Each new
interpersonal interaction is processed and interpret-
ed according to children’s representations.
These models are assumed to operate, for the
most part, outside of conscious experience. Knowl-
edge gained from interactions with primary care-
givers, typically parents, is of greatest importance; for
example, children with loving parents develop posi-
tive models of relationships based on trust. Simulta-
neously, children develop parallel models of
themselves; for example, children with loving parents
view themselves as worthy of care. These models are
assumed to generalize from parents to other people
in children’s lives, including friends and teachers. So,
a child will assume that a friend or teacher is trustwor-
thy if the child’s primary caregiver is trustworthy.
Mary Dinsmore Salter Ainsworth and the
Strange Situation
Ainsworth conducted the first observational
studies of mothers and children that were rooted in
attachment theory, first in Uganda and later in Balti-
more, Maryland. Through her careful field notes, she
noticed important individual differences among in-
fants. Most appeared soothed by their mothers, while
others were not, and still others displayed little emo-
tion to their mothers’ presence or absence. Ainsworth
moved her work to the laboratory in order to assess
the effect of maternal absence on infant exploratory
behaviors. Her paradigm, called the Strange Situa-
tion, is a thirty-minute procedure that consists of a se-
ries of separations and reunions among a caregiver,
a child, and a stranger.
Ainsworth and her students identified three pat-
terns of attachment that were particularly evident
from children’s behavior in the reunion episodes with
mothers. Most children displayed a pattern of attach-
ment that Ainsworth and colleagues labeled ‘‘secure.’’
When their mothers were present, these children dis-
played a balance between exploring the laboratory
playroom and seeking proximity with their mothers.
During separations, secure children displayed some
distress as indicated, for example, by crying. When re-
united, these children greeted their mothers warmly,
often with hugs, and were easily soothed by them.
Children classified as ‘‘insecure-ambivalent’’ dis-
played few exploratory behaviors when their mothers
were present, often clinging to them. These children
were usually very upset during separations. When re-
united, they displayed angry and resistant or ambiva-
lent behaviors toward their mothers. For example,
they would cry and raise their arms to be picked up
and then push their mothers away while continuing
to cry. Children classified as ‘‘insecure-avoidant’’ ex-
plored the playroom when their mothers were pres-
ent. Unlike other children, however, these children
paid little attention to their mothers. In addition,
these children were usually not upset during separa-
tions and snubbed or avoided their mothers during
reunions. Mary Main and Judith Solomon identified
a fourth pattern of attachment, ‘‘insecure-
disorganized,’’ characterized by extreme distress over
separations and disorganized, disoriented, and con-
fused behaviors during reunions. Specifically, these
children displayed frozen postures, repetitive move-
ments, and dazed facial expressions when reunited
with their mothers.Overwhelmingly, the Strange Situation has be-
come the preferred method of assessing attachment
in infancy. There is, in fact, considerable evidence
that security status in the Strange Situation is related
to parenting behaviors, especially maternal sensitivi-
ty, which can be defined as the mother’s ability to per-
ceive an infant’s signals accurately and to respond
promptly and appropriately. Children whose moth-
ers are sensitive to their needs are likely to be classi-
fied as secure. Children with avoidant patterns tend
to have mothers who are either rejecting or intrusive
and overstimulating. Children with ambivalent pat-
terns tend to have mothers who are inconsistent in
their parenting behaviors; for example, they may be
sensitive and responsive some of the time but not al-
ways, which makes it difficult for children to predict
their behavior. Children with disorganized patterns
tend to have mothers who have experienced loss,
trauma, or mental illnesses.Although most of the research that has been con-
ducted on patterns of attachment concerns infants’
relationships with their mothers, there is some work
that has examined infants’ relationships with their fa-
thers. There is no debate that children develop full-
fledged attachment relationships with their fathers.
In other words, it is clear that children can and do de-
velop multiple attachment relationships. Little is
known, however, about how children integrate the
knowledge gained from multiple attachment models,
especially when the models are different. Yet, there
is some evidence for concordance across attachment
figures—children who are securely attached to their
mothers are also likely to be securely attached to their
fathers. Concordance is best explained by shared par-
enting values, although infant temperament has also
been suggested as an explanation.34 ATTACHMENT